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Senate
27 November 1901

1^st Parliament · 1^st Session

QUESTION
- WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY : BASS’ STRAITS
PACIFIC ISLAND LABOURERS BILL
- Second Reading

The President took the chair at 2.30 p.m., and read prayers.

page 7781

QUESTION

WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY : BASS’ STRAITS

Senator CLEMONS:
TASMANIA

asked the Postmaster General, upon notice -

If he intends to lake steps to prevent private persons from establishing telegraphic communication between Tasmania and the islands of Bass’ Straits by a system of wireless telegraphy ?

Senator DRAKE:
Postmaster-General · QUEENSLAND · Protectionist

– 1 propose to take steps, if necessary, to prevent unauthorized private persons from establishing telegraphic communication between Tasmania and the islands of Bass’ Straits by a system of wireless telegraphy.

Senator Clemons:

– What does “ unauthorized “ mean ?

Senator DRAKE:

– It means not authorized by the department.

page 7781

PACIFIC ISLAND LABOURERS BILL

Second Reading

Debate resumed from 22nd’ November (vide page 7703), on motion by Senator Drake -

That the Bill bc now read a second time.

Senator PULSFORD:
New South Wales

– There is one aspect of this question which, if all that has been said were true, would at once condemn the Bill of the Government as not being sufficient to meet the case with that speed which would be desirable. I may call it the humanitarian aspect. We have been told repeatedly that this traffic is honeycombed with evils so grave and serious as to’ be a disgrace to the Commonwealth. If one-half of that which has been affirmed were true, it would be our duty not to entertain any proposals for the continuance of the traffic ; and even if it meant theabsolute destruction of the industry, it would be our duty to make the sacrifice, whatever the cost might be. But when I conic to examine the question, when I find that the Government themselves think it is desirable to give five years in which togradually terminate the employment of kanaka labour, when I find that thegreat majority of the anti-kanaka members - and may I say agitators - are also willing to grant this concession, then I begin to think that after all there may be some reason for tho industry being allowed to go on as at present. I observe that the Bishop of Carpentaria has written a letter, in which hehas very strongly supported the industry, and I take it that his lordship would not commit himself to such an opinion were the traffic in kanakas one that reflected a disgrace on Australia, and would reflect a double disgrace on a gentleman in his position. From some papers issued by Mr. Paget I find thatthe number of islanders who have continuously resided in Queensland for over six years is 4,416. Three years is the limit for which an engagement is possible, and ashalf the kanakas now in Queensland had an opportunity of returning to their islands at least three years ago, and there are now more than 4,000 who have resided there oversix years, and some of them I. believe for a much longer period than that, I can only conclude that the industry is not of that character which has been described by some persons. It is stated iri Mr. Paget’s papers that in the . year 1900 tho re-engagement of islanders whohad previously served three years or were’ yet in Queensland without returning to their islands, numbered 4,131. That is, I think, a. very tangible proof that the industry is not quite so black as has been painted. Thesepapers also contain a reference to the death rate. Taking the last ten years, the average- per thousand for the first five years was 42-73, whereas for tho last -five years it has been only 306. Knowing what a large industry is carried on in Fiji, I turned up tho *Statesman’s Year Book for 1901, and I got some very useful information on the subject of the death rate. On page 350 I found a reference to the population returns of December 31st, 1899. The population (besides native Fijians) consisted of 4,373 Europeans, 13,282 Indians,, and 6,540 Polynesians. The deaths for that year were as follows : - Fijians, 3,871, or about 40 per 1,000, against 30 per 1,000 of Pacific Islanders in Queensland in the last five years. The deaths of indentured Indians in Fiji were at the rate of only about 1 per cent., or a total of 143, and of Europeans at the rate of about j per cent. It seems to me to be an established fact that the natives of the South Sea Islands are a dying race, or, at any rate, that their death rate is very greatly in excess of that of not only the Europeans, but of such races as the Indians. I find that the death rate of the Pacific Islanders in Queensland is practically the same as that of the Fijians in their native home. Therefore once again I am driven to the conclusion that the industry in Queensland is not quite of the character which has been described by some persons. Then I would take some figures in regard to the half-castes. We are told that there are a number of kanaka half-castes in Queensland, and that this is a very dreadful matter. I am afraid that it is a very common thing for people to carry the sins of others in front of them, and to put their own sins behind them. The figures of the last census with regard to .half-castes in Queensland are as follows : - Kanakas, 181 ; Chinese, 726 ; aboriginals, 1,533 ; other aliens, 41.

Senator Dobson:

– But the number of kanaka half-castes with white women is only 41.

Senator PULSFORD:

– I thought that these figures represented the position as worse than it is. But I am content to let the 181 stand. It really represents 140 half-castes with aboriginals, and 41 halfcaste’s with white women in a period of 35. years. Contrasting that with the 1,533 half<caste aboriginals in Queensland alone, and then with the total of 7,067 half-caste aboriginals throughout the Commonwealth, I feel that we white people are not quite in a position to throw stones at the kanakas. Nor do I feel that we are in a position to say that this industry is so inherently bad. that it ought to be wiped away forthwith. I think that that aspect of the question may be regarded as being done with, and that we may proceed to discuss the matter on fair, reasonable, political, and business grounds. We have been told that this subject is dealt with in two separate Bills, and that it is necessary for us if we would understand and deal properly with it, to bear that fact in. mind. For many years, on the Queensland Tariff, there has been a duty of £5 per ton on sugar, but as I suppose every honorable senator knows, it has been, entirely inoperative from the fact that the production of. sugar there lias immensely exceeded, the consumption, and ‘ that the price of sugar in Queensland has been ruled by the world’s market, and not at all influenced by the local Tariff. Some years ago, when the Queensland industry was in some little trouble, I remember that the present Prime Minister of Australia wrote a letter to the Sydney Morning Herald in which he stated that there were two ways in which the sugar industry might be helped. One, he said, was by putting on a protective duty, and the other was by allowing the planters to employ free labour. A considerable laugh-, went up at the expense of Mr. Barton when it was shown that there was already a duty of £8 a ton on sugar under the Queensland Tariff. The question is how far a duty is likely to be protective in regard to sugar, produced and consumed within the limits of the Commonwealth. The Tariff of the Government proposes a duty of £6 a ton on all sugars, and the same duty on syrups, whereas the excise proposed is £3 on sugar, and nothing on syrups ; and there is an arrangement that in a year’s time, where white labour only has been employed, this excise shall be reduced to £1, and, further, that in five years’ time the whole’ of the excise shall be swept away. If it were possible to carry out the scheme that the Government have in their minds, it would constitute the most colossal job that Australia has ever seen. What do the figures mean? The Government say that the consumption of sugar in Australia totals something like 170,000 tons.. If the duty is protective, the whole of the 170,000 tons of sugar will be increased in value by the amount of £6 per ton, -.representing a total of £1,020,000 for one year. The Government calculate that about 20,000 tons will be required to be imported, and at £6 a ton duty, that will give the Customs a revenue of £120,000. Consequently, the £6 a ton on the Australian sugar represents £900,000. For the first year the Government say that they will get £410,000. That is the figure given in their own estimate. But as the scheme of the Government progresses, it will work out in the following manner. The imported sugar will yield £120,000 to the Treasury. Queensland, supplying us with 125,000 tons of sugar, would get £750,000; New South “Wales, supplying -25,000 tons, would get £150,000. That “is to say, the industry in those two States would get those large sums of money, -aggregating £900,000. It will be interesting to note the way in which Senator Drake referred to this matter when introducing the Bill. He said -

We -cannot discuss this Bill altogether apart from, the financial proposals of the Government. The Government are proposing to ask the people of Australia to make a considerable sacrifice in order to facilitate the substitution of white for kanaka labour. That natural movement -which has been going on for a long time past in favour of substituting the higher paid and more effective labour for the cheaper and less effective labour can surely be greatly facilitated by the adoption of such proposals as the Government are submitting in another place. It is clearly necessary that these two measures should be considered together. A strong justification for the action of the Government in introducing this measure, and asking Parliament to deal with it now, is that until the people of Australia understand clearly what is to be the attitude of Parliament in regard to it, a decision cannot be arrived at upon the measure which has been submitted to honorable members in another place.

Senator Higgs:

– The sugar duties.

Senator DRAKE:
Protectionist

– I refer, of course, to the sugar duties contained in the Tariff. We must know, first of all, what a’ttitude Parliament is going to take up in regard to this Bill before honorable members in another place can be asked to decide what shall be done with the sugar duties.

Senator Pulsford:

– Has the PostmasterGeneral figured out the sacrifice which Australia “is to be asked to make in that respect ?

Senator DRAKE:

– No ; but I have heard it mentioned at £500,000.

Mr. Mantilini, one of Dickens’ famous characters, on a certain occasion, when a sum of money was mentioned ending with a halfpenny, said - “ Dem the halfpenny “; and that is very much the attitude of the Government with regard to the half-million pounds thus referred to by

Senator Drake. It appears that he would not have thought it necessary to refer to the monetary amount of the “ sacrifice “ if the question had not been put to him ; and when the question was put, the answer was not exactly in the terms given by Mansard, but it was that “somebody said” halfamillion. Some senator on this side of the chamber had interjected “half-a-million. In this easy and demure way did ‘ Senator Drake deal with this important matter of half-a-million of money, which was the amount which Queensland would get.

Senator Drake:

– Not which Queensland would get, but which Australia would

Pay- Senator PULSFORD. - Which Queensland would get; and if the amount obtained by the industry in New South Wales were, added, and the whole scheme of the Government came into ‘full play, according to their own figures there would, as I have said, be a total of something like £900,000 distributed amongst those engaged in the industry. I say that that represents a most colossal job. It is very desirable that we should look at this money aspect of the question . from the point of view of the finances of one or two of the States. I will take the States of Tasmania and South Australia, because in both States a revenue of about £48,000 is being obtained from sugar. Tasmania consumes about 8,000 tons of sugar, and at £6 a ton the sum of £48,000 is paid by the consumers in that State. The Tasmanian Treasury has been enriched from year to year by the sum of £48,000. Every penny that has been collected by the duty has gone into the Tasmanian Treasury, to assist in meeting the engagements of that State, which are admitted by every one to be of a serious and important character. If we refer to the finance papers issued by the Government themselves, we shall find that in this present year the Government anticipate that Tasmania will obtain a total of about £25,000 from sugar. The balanceof £23,000 will be lost to the Tasmanian Treasury. But please remember that it will have been paid by the people of Tasmania. That is to say, the people of Tasmania will have to pay £48,000 to the Government and to the industry, according to., the figures which have been submitted in the finance papers, but the Tasmanian Treasury will only receive about £25,000. . The other £23,000, forming a portion of this sum which Senator Drake calls the “sacrifice,” will go to the industry. That is the amount when the scheme of the Government is only in its infancy. When that scheme is in full play the Treasurer of Tasmania is to receive not one single penny from excise. The whole of the excise will be gone from the State, and all that will be left will be a possible £6,000 from imported sugar. Whilst all the time ,£6,000 is being paid into the Treasury, the people of Tasmania are to go on year after year paying the total of £48,000. Yet we are told that Tasmania needs consideration, and that the Tasmanian finances must be considered ! Now I will come to the case of South Australia. That State consumes about twice the quantity of sugar that Tasmania does - that is 16,000 tons. But the duty in South Australia is one-half the Tas.manian rate, or £3 per ton. Consequently, at the present time the revenue being received from ‘sugar by the people of South Australia is the same as that being received in Tasmania, namely, £48,000. The papers issued by the Government show that South Australia is to pay £6 per ton, or £96,000. The South Australian sugar payments this year will be doubled, but the Treasury will only get about the same as before. When the scheme is in full operation, the total of £96,000 will be collected from the people of South Australia, , butonly £12,000 will be paid into the Treasury of South Australia, whilst £84,000 will be sent somewhere else. The position as regards Tariff protection is clearly doubtful, because it can only be operative if the production of sugar can be maintained below a certain point, so that there shall be nothing for export, and the natural laws of protection are allowed to operate, unless, indeed, another factor steps in. I think, Mr. President, that the arrangements which are being made point to a considerable extent to the possibility of Australia being saddled with a sugar trust which may use the scheme of the Government for its own enrichment, and do very little for the enrichment of Australia as a whole. Behind the cover of this Tariff the Government will collect huge sums of money from the whole of the States of Australia, and some trust, without being able to do much for the industry, will be enabled to pay very” huge dividends. I want the Senate to understand that already, in the year 1898, Australia has produced more sugar than she consumed. That is to say, Queensland produced 163,000 tons, and, I think, New South Wales produced 25,000 tons in thesame yeal’ - that is, a total of 188,000 tons. But the Government now only estimate a consumption of 170,000 tons; so that the production in 1898 was considerably abovethe consumption, and we find that for thenext year the estimate of production is considerably in excess of the Government estimate of the consumption. We are told that in 1902 151,000 tons areexpected to be produced in Queensland,, and if the production of New South Wales be only 25,000 tons, we shall thus have a total of 176,000 tons, again in excess of the Government’s estimate of consumption. Every honorable senator can see that if a. protective duty, aggregating 50 per cent., were given to the production of sugar, and sugar could be produced under the new conditions, the total output would increaseso rapidly that it would be impossible really to obtain, any protection. The supply of sugar would be so great that the whole outputwould have to be sold at the world’s prices, always providing that a sugar trust were not formed to maintain prices here whileselling the surplus to the rest of the world at the world’s prices. The planters, thefarmers, and producers of sugar in Queensland, however, are not led away by this idea of a great protective duty. If theyfelt that they could obtain these hugesums of money, and continue the industry by the aid of that money, I am sure they would say - “ Let us rest and be thankful,”and there would not be the agitation forbetter conditions which we see taking place from . one end of the industry to the other. Therefore, I ask honorable senators to bear in mind the peculiar circumstances attaching to thesugar duties ; and that, if the arrangements, suggested by the Government can be carried out, the burden thrown on the Tariff will be of a most colossal character. I ask theSenate also to view this matter from theground which I shall take up in dealingwith it : to throw out of consideration theother Bill, and to deal with the kanaka question on its own merits. We should deal with the question of the duty on sugaron its own merits when it comes before lis. I should- like to say a word or two in regard to the climate in which sugar is produced. A good deal was said on this subject last week, and therefore I do not. propose to go into the matter lengthily, although it would be very easy to deluge the Senate with quotations. I am going to content myself with a short quotation bearing on this point from a statement by Sir Chas. Todd, the Government Astronomer of South Australia. Writing of the climate of South Australia, he states -

During the three summer months, December, January, and February, the heat is often very great, the temperature ranging in most 3’ears as high as 1 10 degrees. The mean for these months is 71 ‘3, 74 “2, and 74 ‘0 respectively, and the thermometer exceeds 90 degrees, on the average, on eleven days in January, ten in February, and nine in December.

Then Sir Charles Todd goes on to say -

The extreme dryness of the air, however, renders the heat very bearable and healthy.

In these few words lies the one secret in regard to temperature, which we have all to bear in mind. If a heat be very fierce and dry, it is more bearable than a lower temperature which is saturated with moisture, and I can see that it is quite possible for us to be bearing a heat in a dry atmosphere which would be absolutely unbearable to white nien working amongst the sugar cane. The Bishop of Carpentaria, in a letter referring to the farmers in Queensland, says -

All the farmers say the same, “If we are deprived of coloured labour, as things are atpresent, we are utterly ruined. We should prefer to employ white labour, but we cannot get it. We find ti difficulty in getting even ploughmen, though that is easy work, and as for cutting cane, we would not do it ourselves for our own cane, and no white mon will tackle it in this climate.”

Says the Bishop further -

There may be some element of exaggeration in this. As regards the ploughmen, it may be that men could be obtained by higher wages, but as to the cane-cutting, I am reluctantly forced to the conclusion that what they say has a very large element of truth in it. Fifteen years ago I heard the same cry that the white man could cut cane, and I have been waiting all these years to see him do it, but have not seen or heard, of one instance.

The Bishop of Carpentaria writes, I believe, from the Mossman River, which is the extreme northern limit of the sugar growing districts. It is necessary that we should bear in mind the difference that exists between different sections of the sugar producing districts of Queensland. We must all be prepared to conceive the possibility of sugar being produced by white labour in the more southern portions of those districts, whilst at the same time the industry would be absolutely destroyed in the extreme northern part of Queensland by the abolition of kanaka labour. I think -it worth while to draw the attention of honorable, senators to a quotation from a book by Mr. Benjamin Kidd, a very well known writer, and the author of a book entitled Social Evolution. He has written another book on the Control of the Tropics, in the course of which he says -

In the first place the attempt to acclimatise the white man in the tropics must be [recognised to be a blunder of the first magnitude. All experiments based upon the idea are mere idle mid empty enterprises foredoomed to failure.

Further on he says -

We come, therefore, to a clearly defined position. If we have to meet the fact that, by force of circumstances, the tropics must be developed - and if the evidence is equally emphatic that such u development can only take place under theinfluence of the white man - we are confronted with a larger issue than any mere question of commercial policy or of national selfishness. The tropics, : in such circumstances, can only be governed as a trust for civilization, and with a full sense of the responsibility which such a trust involves. The first principle of success in undertaking such a duty seems, to the writer, to be a clear recognition of the cardinal fact that, in the tropics, the white man lives and works only as a diver lives and works under water. Alike in a moral, in an ethical, and in a political sense, the atmosphere he breathes must be that of another region, than that which produced him, and to which he belongs. Neither physically, morally, nor politically can he be acclimatised in the tropics.

Senator Staniforth Smith:

– Mr Kidd’s conclusions have been confuted by the. best authorities.

Senator PULSFORD:

– Mr Benjamin Kidd is a recognised authority on the subjects upon which he writes. I give his opinions to the Senate, and ask honorable senators to deal with them when they are considering the many other quotations that have been offered to them. I conceive that this question has to-day arrived at a very different stage from that which existed some years ago when those engaged in the industry in Queensland were merely planters. I believe that some ten years ago, when considerable agitation on the subject was aroused in Queensland, there were only 125 farmers engaged in the industry. I quote that figure from a speech made by Mr. Philp, in the Queensland Parliament, last Friday. We know from the papers before us that at the present time there are about 2,610 farmers who are gaining a. livelihood by means of this industry in Queensland. Therefore, the position to-day is a widely different one from that of a few years ag6. It is -not a position which affects a limited number of capitalists, but one which affects a very large and important section of settlers and the State itself. I desire now to put before the Senate some remarks made by the farmers of the Johnstone River district in the form of a petition to the House of Representatives. They say -

That we were induced to go into sugar-cane fanning in -1893, at a time when all Australia was in dire distress, and an almost universal cry was raised almost imploring the people to go out on the land and produce, that being the first and most essential step in the direction of retrieving the losses of that period of awful collapse.

Every inducement was held out all round, and most especially and conspicuously was this so in sugar -cane Culture, for the Government of Queensland, through its Department of Agriculture, published and circulated broadcast, in the Colonies and Great Britain, a pamphlet in 1893 on sugar planting, a copy of which is appended, and it declared, inter aiia, in the following exact words: - “The trouble about the labour supply had ceased ; that the country had decided that Polynesians shall supply the sugar producers with that labour which is necessary to the progress and development of the sugar industry. “It (cane-growing) is the most thriving and prosperous of the agricultural industries of Queensland,” and the Government again stated specifically “Kanakas the country allows” the cane fanner.

The contents of that pamphlet, and the assurance, above all things, as to the labour were the sole inducements to us to settle in this district in aud since 1893.

The majority of us have been eight years now carving our homesteads out of the vast impenetrable tropical scrubs of the densest of Australia’s fertile regions.

We have mode our homes in the full confidence and full belief of the absolute truth of the promise then made to us by the State of Queensland.

With most of us .it has been the last effort of our lives, and if the principles of right and wrong are to be applied at all, we claim the first application of them. We have the strongest moral right with us. We have the laws of natural justice on our side. And we assert that, after years of toil under the most adverse conditions, that our past hard and severe experiences have proved to us that the labour (only) of the kanaka is a necessary part of the machinery which enables us co* help to produce one and a ‘half millions of wealth annually for circulation in the country…..

We respectfully assert that over 80 per cent, of the cane farmers of Queensland had the same inducements held out to them by the State Government, especially . those at Mossman, Mulgrave, Herbert, Prosperine, several parts of the Mackay district, and the Isis most particularly.

We now only ask for a full, deliberate, and fair consideration of our case, and a reasonable application of the principles of right and wrong, and we believe we can honestly claim it, for to a. man we were loyal to federation, because of our simple and pure belief in the ultimate- good itwould be for the Empire generally, and a firm, and undying confidence in the mature judgment, and good faith of our fellow Australians in the South.

We do not ask for compensation, because’ nothing can compensate us for the loss of our homes we so fondly and full of hope have carved out of the solid scrub, in the firm belief that, while providing for ourselves, we were buildingup a part of the bulwarks and defences of the State, and establishing on the almost impossibletropical freeboard of the North a yeomanry of which Australia would one.day be proud.

We appeal to Australia and the Empire to extend to us, in its fullest, widest sense, the firstprinciples of right and wrong, the laws of natural justice, and rescue us and a noble industry from the chimerical fears of the representatives of a. “ class “ who really are at the root of the present question, because they affect to fear that the kanaka will encroach on their domains, notwithstanding the fact that it is abundantly proved that the same kanaka is the simple means of: creating work, aud highly-paid work, for thousands of artisans directly, and an untold numberindirectly, and in face of the fact that the selfsame kanaka is strictly precluded by law from, doing any other work than “tropical agriculture.”

We do not dilate upon the humane side of thequestion, for we feel too proudly conscious thatno honorable fellow Australian would ever accuseus of aught but ‘’’ fair play “ to those who work for and are dependent on us.

Your petitioners therefore humbly pray - That you will give every consideration to the. peculiar conditions by which they are surrounded.

That you will cause a full inquiry to be made into the whole of the workings of the sugar industry of Queensland before finally placingupon the statute-book any enactments which will prejudice it, and, above all, that you will preserve intact the first principles of the Constitutions of the Empire, and hold our homes and means of livelihood sacred.

Dated this 14th day of October, 1901.

That is signed by a number of the farmers. We have been deluged with opinions from society after society, and body after body, and therefore I do not propose to inflict much on the Senate in that way myself. I think, however, I may draw attention to a resolution passed by the farmers of the Mossman -Association.

The farmers of the Mossman River,” the most northern Queensland sugar district, see nothing but ruin and destruction in the Kanaka Bill.

Then the Cairns association sends this telegram -

This society has placed on record, that in its opinion the proposed legislation means that the cane farmers will be ruined, and the land will revert to its natural state.

– I find that Mr. Philp, the Premier, in speaking, said -

Even the honorable member for Bundaberg said seven years was a fair thing -

Mr Barber interjected

You misunderstood me. I said seven years for clearing them out altogether.

Those are Mr. Barber’s exact words, spoken on Friday last. Something much more important remains still to be said. Mr.

Browne, who, I believe, telegraphed to Sena: tor Higgs last week, and who is the leader of the Opposition and of the labour party in the Queensland Parliament, in the course of his remarks on Friday last is reported to have spoken as follows : -

He would say that if any harm came to the sugar industry - and he hoped it would not, and did not believe it would - if the men opposed to kanakas set their teeth more determinedly once and for all, those responsible for it were the gentlemen at the head of the Government, the Courier newspaper, and a few of the strong supporters of the Government. Had those people recognised that there was no hope for a continuance of coloured labour,’ and come forward and said so, and said it was necessary to have a little longer time -

Mr. Cowley. They ask for an inquiry only.

Mr. BROWNE said that though he considered five years ample time, he considered that had there been . a recognition that the black labour must cease, there would have been more time given.

Senator Dobson:

– That bears out everything that Senator Ferguson has always told us.

Senator PULSFORD:

– I desire now to draw attention to some of the clauses of this Bill. .In clause 2 we have the term “ Pacific Island Labourer,” used, and the term includes -

All natives not of European extraction of any island except the islands of New Zealand situated in the Pacific Ocean beyond the Commonwealth.

The Pacific Ocean occupies about one-half of the surface of the globe. It is the greatest stretch of water the earth contains, and, within the Pacific Ocean there are a great many more islands than those from which Queensland has been in the habit of importing kanakas. Most of the islands of Japan are in the Pacific. The British island of Vancouver - a part of the Canadian dominions - is in the Pacific Ocean. By this clause there is no doubt at all that we include a large number of the people of Japan. It cannot be said that we include, them all, because on one side of some of the- islands of Japan there lies the Sea of Japan, and I take it, that to be in the Pacific Ocean means- that the waters of the Pacific must entirely surround the island. There are many of the islands of Japan which are absolutely surrounded by the waters of the’ Pacific Ocean, and we have, therefore, by this clause included a considerable number of the people b”f Japan. I see that by paragraph (6), persons employed as part of the crew of a ship are exempt. There are exemptions under the Queensland Act, and I suppose this must be read in connection with them. This exemption, I suppose, will be taken to include those who are employed in the pearl shell industry, and we therefore see that a concession of a very important character is granted, not for five years, but in perpetuity.

Senator DRAKE:

– Those are persons who are exempted under the Queensland Act. -

Senator PULSFORD:

– Then I see there are exempted -

Persons possessed of certificates of exemption under the Immigration Restriction Act 1901.

I want to ask how we can pass this- Bill in priority to the Immigration Restriction Bill? How can we pass this Bill through committee when it contains a clause referring to the Immigration Restriction Bill which we have not yet considered, much less agreed to ? I would remind the Senate that the Immigration Restriction Bill was passed through nearly all its stages before this Bill was put before the House of Representa,tives, and why we should be asked to agree to a Bill which refers to a provision in another measure with which we have not yet dealt is a question which I think needs some little explanation.

Senator Drake:

– We did that when we were passing the Post and Telegraph Bill.

Senator PULSFORD:

– We have done two or three things which we ought not to have done, but the commission of a sin does not warrant its repetition. Clause 3 of the Bill reads -

No Pacific Island labourer shall enter Australia on or after the 31st day of March, 1904.

– It does not say not under the jurisdiction of any Power, but it says that -

Pacific Island labourer includes all natives not of European extraction.

Senator Playford:

– That includes Japanese and Javanese 1

Senator PULSFORD:

-Of course it does. The Government take permissive power to deport. They dare not lay hands on a Japanese or a British subject and forcibly deport him.

Senator Walker:

– Nor an American negro, I suppose ?

Senator PULSFORD:

– No ; but they might screw up courage enough to deport some of the residents of the South Sea Islands. I very much doubt whether they would be found game to draw the line in the way that would be required. Then sub-clause (2) of clause 8 reads -

The Minister may order a Pacific Island labourer found in Australia after the 31st day of December, 1906, to be returned to the place from which he was originally brought into Australia, and thereupon he shall be returned accordingly.

Permissive power again is taken. I take it that we ought not to give the Government permissive power to deal in this way. with even South Sea Islanders, meaning the islands from which, we are in the habit of importing our kanakas. In. Queensland we have a considerable number who have resided there for many years. Some of them are reputable citizens, some of them have lived there for years without offending against the laws, and some of them are comparable with advantage to many aliens from other parts of the world. I do not think it is fitting that we should do to the Pacific Islanders that which we are not prepared to do to the great mass of the aliens who have come to Australia from -the continent of Asia.

Senator CHARLESTON:

– Is not that an argument in favour of using the word “ may “ instead of the word “shall “V

Senator PULSFORD:

– It is in favour of having .no such clause ; it is in favour of dealing with the kanaka in the same way as we intend to deal with other coloured aliens. I take it for granted that the true course of legislation in regard to this measure would be that we should pass the second reading, go into committee, and then try to beat some common sense and fair play into it. We should certainly give to the sugar industry in Queensland a longer limit of life than seems to be possible for it under the Bill as it now stands.

Senator DRAKE (Queensland - PostmasterGeneral). - I beg to move -

That so much of the standing orders be suspended as will enable Senator Fraser to continue his speech commenced on Friday last.

It will be remembered that Senator Fraser resumed his seat on Friday afternoon, and received permission to continue to-day ; but unfortunately he was not present at the commencement of the sitting.

Question resolved in the affirmative.

Senator FRASER:
Victoria

– I am grateful to Senator Drake for his kindness in moving the resolution which allows me to continue my. speech, and .to the Senate for its courtesy in granting the permission. I could not possibly be present earlier, as I had an important engagement which Icould not break. I wish to clear up one or two little points before I conclude my speech. I am going to make one or two more quotations from the speech delivered^ by Sir Samuel Griffith at the time when his Government introduced the Bill under which Pacific Islanders are now working in Queensland. Sir Samuel said -

And it seems to me that there are only two alternatives - to do nothing, and let the sugar industry slowly struggle on until, the necessary European labour can be introduced and acclimatised, with the possible result that in the meanwhile it may be greatly diminished, if not altogether extinguished.

The other quotation which I wish to make is also from Sir Samuel Griffith’s speech. He said -

I certainly shall not be deterred by any amount of abuse from pressing forward anything that I consider to be for the benefit of the country, and I do not think any useful purpose is to be served by adopting the arguments of abuse. Only to-day I received a- resolution on this subject, which contained the most remarkable combination of abusive epithets which I have ever seen in any resolution respecting, myself.

A brief sketch of its origin, progress, and prospects may therefore be of some interest just now.

The first attempt at sugar-growing in Queensland, on a commercial scale, was made in the early sixties, when the Hon. Louis Hope, a near kinsman of the first Governor-General of the Australian Commonwealth, commenced operations in the neighbourhood of Cleveland. His labourers were islanders from Erromanga and Tanna. By 1868 he had 80 acres under cane, and had received State encouragement in the shape of a grant of land on which to build a sugar mill. Meanwhile his example had been followed by other Queenslanders. In 1866 the Pimpama Sugar Company had 50 acres under cane, and, with very primitive machinery, had produced 30 tons of sugar, which realized £1,200. About the same time, John Spiller took 10,000 cane plants, to begin sugar cultivation with in Mackay. Soon afterwards, J. E. Davidson had 270 acres under cane in the same district

Very slowly did the industry begin to give indications of the magnitude it was to attain. In 1868 the quantity of land under cane in the north did not exceed 400 acres. In the whole State there were only ten mills, all of them poorly equipped. There were two in Maryborough, which could each turn out 30 tons of sugar a week, but there was not enough cane to keep them constantly working through the crushing season. The general capacity of the mills was H to 2 tons of sugar daily.

It is obvious that with such primitive appliances sugar-growing could not have been then a very profitable occupation. Indeed it is probable that the industry would never have survived had it not been that sugar was fetching from £30 to £40 a ton, and that, practically, kanakas were then permitted to do any work in connexion with a sugar plantation. Not only were they allowed to perform field work ; they were employed as scrub cutters, mill hands, draymen, and in other occupations from which they were subsequently, and are still, excluded by law. Even then it was demonstrated that sugar-growing could not be successfully earned on by white labour alone. Nearly every grower tried to do without black labour, but in the end discovered that sugar culture, in such circumstances, spelt ruin.

As time advanced the prospects of the sugargrower brightened. Facilities for procuring suitable labour were increased ; capital was easier to obtain ; the State gave the industry every encouragement ; and, ten years from the time when Captain Hope had harvested his first crop, the sugar manufactured in Queensland had risen to over 10,000 tons per annum. Ten years later it had risen to between 50,000 and 60,000 tons. During those ten 3’ears the area of land under sugar cane had increased from 13,000 acres to 59,000 acres, while the area under all other crops had increased only from 64,000 acres to 1 39,000 acres. In other words, the area under cane increased at the rate of 35 per cent, annually, while that under all other crops increased only at the rate of 12 per cent. Then came a period of decline.

I want honorable senators to take notice of this-

The number of acres under cane, which was 59,186 in 1885, diminished to 54,010 in 1886, to 51,815 in 1887, to 47,340 acres in 1888, and, indeed, did not get back to the figures of 1S85 until 1893.

That was after the present Act was passed. This statement cannot be controverted.

Senator Staniforth Smith:

– Has Senator Fraser the price of sugar at that time ‘I

Senator Glassey:

– That is a matter of no importance.

Senator FRASER:

– I would give the honorable senator anything if he would only vote the right way, but as I have very little hope of securing his vote for my view of the question, I am not going to waste my time over him. The memorandum continues - ;

During this period, of depression about 50 mills out of IGO ceased working, and the output of sugar in one of the lean years fell below 35,000 tons. What, it may be asked, was the cause of this disaster to an industry which had to all appearances been established on a durable basis, and had given promise of such splendid and lasting prosperity?

The answer is that an experiment had been tried at the expense of the sugar-grower, perhaps the most costly and ruinous experiment ever attempted in Australia. It is to be noted that it was not done at the wish of the sugar-grower, for lie was already aware what the result would be. But, though it was attempted against his will, he had to discharge the account as if it ‘had been incurred at his suggestion. Yet, expensive as it was, the experiment was in the end considered not an unmixed calamity ; for it was thought that one good result of it would be that never again would the industry be brought to the verge of ruin through the motives that had actuated the experimentalists.

It has been mentioned that, after some futile endeavours to grow sugar by white labour alone, the employment of kanakas became general on the plantations. But there was a large and ever increasing party in Queensland who held that black labour was unnecessary. This part3’, having obtained an overwhelming majority at the general election of 1883, brought ‘into the Legislative Assembly a Bill which passed without division, and which provided that the issue of the licences for the introduction of kanakas should cease on the 31st of December, 1800.

In the interval efforts were made to introduce field labour from continental Europe, but without any satisfactory result-. It was hoped by those opposed to coloured labour that if the system of small holdings were substituted for that of large plantations - and that has come about in the most remarkable manner - which had up to the time prevailed, cane might be grown profitably by the small owner and his family without the help of black labour, with the assistance of the State in the provision of mills. The central mill system was accordingly instituted. Two such mills were erected at Mackay in 1880, and it was originally intended that these mills should crush only cane grown by white labour, but the event showed that the kanaka was still indispensable, even to the .small farmer

In the meantime, the sugar industy, once so vigorous and prosperous, was slowly expiring. So unsatisfactory was its condition, that within five years of the date on which the Act was passed, a Royal commission was appointed to inquire into the industry. This commission presented its report in April, 1880. The report disclosed the fact that the Queensland sugar industry was decaying,- but the commissioners could not agree among themselves as to the best means of reviving it

By the end of 1801 it had become manifest that the continuance of the prohibition of South Sea

Island labour would lead to an almost immediate collapse of the sugar industry.

Accordingly, u special session of Parliament was summoned in February, 1892, to deal with the question. Legislation was then pissed which established the conditions under which Polynesian labour is available for sugar-growing to this very day. The debates and divisions on that legislation proved that the events of the preceding six years had not been without effect on all reasonable men - and I hope we shall deal with this question as reasonable men - and the proposals were carried by large majorities in both Houses of Parliament. When the question was raised at the general election in the following year, it was found that a correspondingchange had taken place in the constituencies. -

So much for Senator Glassey’s statement, in regard- to corruption. -

Of this last-mentioned fact there can be nodoubt, though it has lately been asserted that theissue was never put before the people until the Commonwealth elections this year. The fact is. that at the general election of 1 803 the sugar legislation of the previous year was challenged inthe most emphatic way by the leader of the Opposition, who made “ a white Queensland “ the; most conspicuous plank in his platform. Yet, the verdict of the constituencies was unmistakably in favour of the steps taken to save the sugar - industry. Two general elections have been since held, in 1890 and 1890, the result of each being; that people and Parliament decided to leave undisturbed the settlement arrived at in 1892.

Respecting the recent federal elections, and the contention that they prove Queensland to be hostile to existing labour arrangements, it need only be said that no such conclusion will be drawn by those who were aware of the influences at work during those elections. The labour party, it is. true, triumphed at the polls ; and the labour party is opposed to the employment of the kanaka -

– I would sooner go down in a good cause than up in a bad cause. The writer proceeds -

Probably if there had been any suspicion that one of the first Bills to be introduced into the Commonwealth Parliament, would be a measure dooming the sugar industry to destruction, such dissensions would have been impossible. But it was never imagined that the sugar industry was iti immediate danger. It was thought that the Commonwealth Government would not dream of interfering with it, unless after a thorough investigation of the subject. Yet without any inquiry, the Commonwealth Government has resolved to revive the policy which nearby ruined the industry fifteen or sixteen years ago. It is true that before this Bill was framed, the Federal Premier commissioned Dr. Maxwell to furnish him with a report on some aspects of the sugar question. But the instructions he gave Dr. Maxwell almost precluded any reference to the labour problem. Yet in spite of this restriction Dr. Maxwell was able to show that the kanaka was a necessary factor in the production of sugar in the tropical portions of Queensland.

I have read .”Dr. Maxwell’s report in regard to that -

It is to be feared, however, that Dr. Maxwell’s unanswerable statement of the case will have little effect on the situation. So far from profiting by the blunder of 1885, the Federal Premier seems bent on repeating it. Possibly, after thousands of acres have been abandoned, and hundreds of farmers have been ruined, an attempt will be again made to undo the mischief, with perhaps less success than in 1892. The history of the industry since J 892 shows that time has been doing gradually, and without injury to the industry, what the Federal Premier means to do hastily and to its detriment, The number of white cultivators has been increasing year by veur, and the number of black auxiliaries decreasing at u corresponding rate. ‘ Nothing has done so much to foster this tendency as the continuation and extension of the central mill system. Since 1 892 no less than £500,000 have been advanced by the State in aid of that system. It was intended to advance a further £150,000 this year but for the action taken by the Federal Government. Probably if the industry were left to the Queensland Parliament to regulate, in another decade the central mill system would be all but universal, and Queensland would in time present the unique spectacle of cane-sugar being grown on a vast scale b)’ innumerable white cultivators with the help of an -insignificant number of ,blacks. If anything is more remarkable than the expansion of the sugar industry between 1893 and 1901 , it is the ever-increasing number df whites, and the everdiminishing number of blacks engaged in it during that period, a phenomenon unparalleled in the history of cane-growing. Those who have observed this phenomenon were not without hope that within a generation the regime, under which sugar is produced by whites and blacks in combination, would give place to a regime under which sugar would be produced by whites alone. And they noted with satisfaction that the race which would be indispensable during the transition stage, was the one subject nice that need not be dreaded as a competitor, or as a contaminator of our own people. They were aware, moreover, that the kanaka is working here under conditions most favorable to his own health and happiness, that he receives a higher wage than is paid te any other coloured labourer of his status in the world, and that morally he is improved by his sojourn in Queensland. Nor did they fail to remark that his presence here has given rise to none of the evils noticeable in tropical regions where a dominant white caste exists among a subject black population. It is certain that with his aid thousands of acres now unoccupied can be made productive. It is equally certain that, deprived of his aid, thousands of acres now productive will go out of cultivation. For, under present conditions, he is necessary to the sugar industry, and if the sugar industry is destroyed in our northern coast districts, there will be nothing to take its place. There are people, of course, who hold that the kanaka could go at once without causing any loss to this State. But it is to be noticed that this doctrine is confined to those who have little or no knowledge of the subject, and little or no interest in forming a rational judgment concerning it. Those who have studied it closely, and particularly those who have embarked their all in the industry”, take the opposite view. In conclusion, it must be urged that an industry of such importance to Queensland should not be sentenced to death, unless after a fair and impartial trial. It is the duty of the Commonwealth Premier, before pronouncing its doom, to cause au exhaustive investigation to be made. The honour of the Queensland Government is concerned in the question. For it’ was on the assurance of the Queensland Government, in 1893, that no steps would be taken to limit the supply of necessary labour, that hundreds of farmers were induced to invest their capital in sugar production ? When the Common wealth Government took over the labour problem from the State Government, it took over also whatever obligations the State Government had contracted thereon. Those obligations should be respected, unless there are grave reasons why they should lie set aside. It behoves the Commonwealth from the very beginning” of its career to set an example of stood faith and to avoid any action that savours of either cruelty or oppression. To make Australia the home of a white people exclusively is a noble ideal, but to do justice, whatever be the consequences, is nobler still. On this matter justice will certainly be outraged if any important step, such as is proposed to be -taken by the Commonwealth, is taken without an inquiry. It is for an inquiry only that Queensland asks, and it is to be hoped that Queensland will not appeal in vain.

– He is not game to go to ‘the country on the matter.

Senator STYLES:

– I do not know whether that is so or not; but these are the reasons why I do not ato eli so much importance to Mr. Philp’s letter as other honorable senators do. Dr. Maxwell has been referred to, and very properly so. I only regret that last week, owing to another public engagement, I was unable to stay avid listen to the whole of bis remarks upon this question. I should have liked to have heard him at length, because I find that there is a consensus of opinion amongst honorable senators that he is a conscientious and straightforward man who has had a great deal of experience and says what he believes to be true. I have read the little pamphlet, which contains the substance of his remarks, last week. Clearly Dr. Maxwell is an enthusiast. But I would remind the Senate that experts often make mistakes. . It will not be neces sary for me to refer to very many instances, but I may remind the Senate of a few. It is not so very long ago since we were told that there was no coal in Victoria, and that no payable seam would ever be discovered. Singularly,enough the coal importers and the experts both told us that such was the case. Yet coal has been discovered, and the mines are now being worked. Again, not many years ago, the mallee was declared to be a howling wilderness, which had to be left to the 0 rabbits, the wild dogs, and a few squatters who occupied the land at half-ia-crown per square mile mer annum. Now there are over 500,000 acres of wheat in the mallee, which I look upon as a future granary of Victoria. Let me give a third instance. South Australia is to-day growing, wheat north of what is known . as the Goyder rainfall line. Mr. Goyder was a very able man, who, years ‘ago, gave it as his opinion that it would be impossible to grow wheat beyond a certain line. But they have .grown wheat there. In the days of my youth - in the early sixties - we -were told by the squatters that wheat could never be grown in the Darling Downs, and that if it were grown there it would be a great shame to put white men with “the sickle into wheat fields in such a climate. But to-day wheat is being grown on’ the Darling Downs, and no one makes such a complaint. I recollect the time when it was said that the demand for an eight hours day would lead to all kinds of disasters. There were to be wars and rumours of war between employers and employed ; industries were to be dislocated, and business was to be made impossible. But nothing of the sort has happened. Still more recently the minimum wage has been introduced on resolution of the lower House of the Victorian Parliament. I am not aware that any disasters have occurred. Senator ‘Fraser will recollect, as will also the South Australian senators - especially Senator Playford - that 30 years years ago it was said that railways could not be constructed without the assistance of contractors. But the “model State” set an example in the way of constructing railways by the State, and proved that it could be done. Twenty-five years ago South Australia constructed the railway from Burra to Hallett by day labour, and the experiment proved successful. Now we never hear of contractors being engaged for the construction of railways, except in the case of heavy work, where large quantities of plant are required. South Australia in 1876, was the first State-to begin the construction of railways by the system of day labour, piece work, and petty contracts, and the railway constructed under that system was the cheapest piece of railway work done up to that time. I only mention these instances to show that’ experts very frequently make mistakes. Even the most reliable of them may lead themselves and other people astray. I say this because of what has been said of Dr. Maxwell’s conclusions from the ascertained facts. Dr. Maxwell declares that whites cannot work in the cane-fields of northern Queensland. The other day Senator Ferguson referred to Mr. Swayne’s utterances upon this question, and I have taken the trouble to look up the Brisbane Courier for myself to see what Mr. Swayne said. I find ‘that the Brisbane. Courier of 15th June, 1901, gives an . account of a paper read by Mr. Swayne at the Agricultural Conference. In the course of it, he said -

The majority of that class (that is, small farmers) took their farms with the determination of doing the work entirely with white labour, but they were compelled to admit that a greater power than man prevented this owing to the unreliability of white labour in the tropics -

Mr. Dalrymple has stated that it can be done by white labour, and that it is only a question of time. Mr. Swayne continued - and the natural repugnance of men to work under conditions to which they were not constitutionally adapted. … It was often said that higher wages would overcome the difficulty, and money was pitted against nature. He asked was it desirable that ‘men, for the «sake of a few pounds, should injure their constitutions ?

That is only sentiment. It is a matter for a man’s own consideration whether he will work under these conditions or not. The same argument might be applied to men working in smelting works, and in other similar occupations. Mr. Swayne further said -

When the Homebush estate was out up, men started with the resolve.to have no black labour. For the first year or two open forest land, adapted to horse implements, was cultivated, and several of the farmers who had the assistance of their children, who ought to have been at school, and their wives, to the injury -of their health, managed to adhere to their resolve.

Here we are told that healthy, strong white males cannot do the work which this man says that women .and children have done. It seems to me that this is about the most conclusive evidence which could be obtained that white ‘men can do the work. Mr. Swayne added -

But in harvest time, when white canecutters were employed, there was much trouble. The following j-ears were the some, very few going through with the work. If a man’s family were kept cane-growing it would perpetuate the old caste system of India.

Therefore, a man’s family could be kept cane-growing, but the objection would be, according to this argument, that the occupation would do injury to the women and children, and that there would be a caste system arising as there is in India. I have no desire to see women and children working at such an occupation, and I say that an industry which cannot be carried on without such labour as that should be closed up at once. In the Brisbane Courier of 19th June there is reported an interview with Mr. Moffatt, a well-known ‘man. He deals with this question -

Well, Mr. Moffatt, do you think from what 3-011 saw and. heard that white men could work in the cane-fields ? - I am no authority on that matter. So far as physical endurance is concerned possibly the3’ might, but there are other things.

What are those other things? - Well, cane, trashing and cutting is the very last job that a white -man would, care to tackle, according to the conversations I had from decent, honest working chaps in the sugar districts.

The working man looks upon employment in the cane-fields as “ dae nae better.” That surely does not mean reliable labour for the sugargrower.

The whole point- is the .unreliableness of the labour. I can well understand that they do not get the most reliable labour, for the reasons that the wages paid are such as do not attract high-class workmen who shrink from incurring the inconvenience and hardship attaching to working in the cane-fields. High-class workmen look for better employment, and for something which suits them better, and at which they can earn better wages. Second and third rate wages are paid instead of first rate wages, and consequently it can only be expected that second and third rate men will gravitate there. Under present conditions, high-class men can find employment more suitable to themselves at a better rate of wages. The other day we were told that had it not been for the northern cane-growers there would have been no federation. It is said that the people of southern Queensland were opposed to federation, but that the northern people voted for the Commonwealth Bill, and that, had not Queensland joined the federation, New South Wales would not have done so. Consequently, there would have been no federation at all. That is the argument which is used. But does any one for a moment suppose that the cane-growers joined the Federation out of mere sentiment? Did they not join it to benefit themselves ?

Senator Macfarlane:

– On faith.

Senator STYLES:

– We will see what the faith amounts to directly. They had a great deal of faith. They had faith that federation would give them a protected market with 3,800,000 people instead of the market of only 500,000 people which they then possessed. They knew that without federation they had to compete with the world when they sent their sugar into the other States, and the sugar-growers of Queensland were on the same terms as the sugar-growers of Mauritius Or Fiji in this respect. They wanted federation, but they did not want the terms proposed in this Bill. They knew that the cane-growers would be protected under federation, and that they would have the larger market, which, as business men, they saw would be greatly to their advantage. Very properly, therefore, . they voted for federation. I have looked over the figures showing the yields of sugar in Queensland for the five years ending 31st December, 1899. I did not do as Dr. Maxwell has done - I had to go to Coghlan for my figures. I find that the average annual yield for the five years was 114,400 tons, which at £5 per ton, represents £572,000.

– Even a gain of £450,000 will not be a bad thing for them. It will mean £170 per annum for each of the 2610 planters. Dr. Maxwell declares that the additional payment involved by the substitution of white for black labour will be in round figures £370,000. If we deduct that amount from, the £450,000, we still have a balance of £80,000. Clearly when he wrote his pamphlet, Dr. Maxwell believed that white men could do this work. He refers in it ‘ to the £370,000 which will be the increase in wages caused by the substitution of white for black labour, and at page 8, he writes -

If then we bear in mind the number of kanakas in each district that the Kanaka Bill requires shall be substituted by white labour, we shall arrive quite accurately at the money cost of the substitution of white for black labour in the respective districts.

Senator Pulsford:

– I desire as a matter of explanation to refer to the figures quoted by the honorable senator as to the consumption of sugar.. Senator Styles lias unintentionally misrepresented me. He referred to Coghlan’s figures, and it is a misunderstanding of Coghlan’s figures which has led him astray. At page 4 12 Coghlan gives an estimate of the consumption of sugar per head for every one of the States. The average consumption for all the States of the Commonwealth is 99-6 lbs. If that figure is worked out for the population of the Commonwealth it will give a total of about 170,000 tons. Now, on page 535, which the honorable .senator referred to, Coghlan gives certain figures, and amongst others 170,000 tons; including 30,000 tons for New Zealand, but he says -

The quantity shown above does not necessarily represent the total consumption of sugar during, the year, because there may have been a surplus available from previous years.

Senator Styles:

– And there may not have been.

– There are two courses open to those of us who are from Queensland in dealing with this debate. One is that we should remain silent to a very great extent, and the other is that we should deal as fully as we can with the whole kanaka question. . I feel so satisfied in my own mind that it is the wish of the Queensland people that we should get rid of the kanaka as soon as possible, that I should be quite willing- to allow the debate to come to a close, but that there is a danger that if we allow the advocates of an extension of time to fill Ilansard with arguments on one side only, it may be quoted against the. Senate and the Federal Parliament later on, when the representatives of the Philp Government go, as no doubt they will go, to the Imperial authorities and endeavour to thwart the wishes of the Federal Parliament. I shall not at this stage go into the question as fully as perhaps it may be found necessary to do when we get into committee, but I shall, as rapidly as possible, pass in review what I regard as the more important points: Prior to doing so, I wish to read the telegram which I received from the leader of the Opposition in the Queensland Parliament, Mr. W. H. Browne, when we last met, and the reading, of which was objected to then, I am sorry to say; by SenatorGould. That telegram bore out the opinions which I held at the time, that the states ment sent to the President by Mr. Philp was not a statement of the Parliament of ‘ Queensland. T$ was not a State document. It was, as Senator Styles has put it, probablyonly the - opinion of- Mr. Philp himself. This is the telegram I received from Mr. Browne -

Parliament never consulted re Philp’s letter- to Senate. Strongly protest against its being considered as expression of opinion of the Parliament of this State.

I venture to think that Mr. Philp, in his anxiety to stand up for the interests of the sugar-growers, and landed proprietors, and. shareholders of banks in Queensland, who are going to benefit by this extension of time, if it is obtained, has led many people to think that he is speaking for the Parliament and, practically, for the State of Queensland. Nothing is further from the fact. As- Senator Styles has said, it is quite possible that even the members of the present Philp Government in Queensland are- not behind the Premier in this matter. I know that one member of the Cabinet, the present Minister for Railways, the Honorable John Lahey, has stated at a public meeting that white men can do work anywhere, if they get the wages, and he instances Klondyke as one extreme, and the tropical regions as another. Mr. Philp does not tell us, in his statement, that the Government have asked him to speak on their behalf, and we know from Mr. Browne’s telegram that he has not asked the Parliament of Queensland to back him up. I find that the Brisbane Courier of Friday last refers to this very question -

Now that this -difficulty has arisen -

That was the challenging of Mr. Philp’s letter - would it not be well for the State Parlia-ment to vindicate Mc Philp’s position ? It was alleged in the Senate yesterday that the State Premier represented nobody but himself. The reply to this accusation’ can be made most effectively by those who are directly challenged, and both .the Council and the Assembly would do well to assert Mr. Philp’s right to address the Senate as he has done.

The suggestion is of course that Mr. Philp might possibly attempt to get the Parliament of Queensland to back- him up in theaction he has taken. In the issue-of the-

Courier, which was received this morning. I find the following : -

But our po’int is that Mr. Philp should have, insisted upon the “vote long ago. He has been trimming and shilly-shallying until his lack of initiative has been interpreted as weakness, and his desire to conciliate the labour party has been undoubtedly a source of very serious weakness to the State. The earliest opportunity should be taken to register the decision of the State Parliament, and so place the Government beyond the reach of criticism.

– How did the man manage to get in if he was opposed to theobjects of the meeting?

Senator HIGGS:

– Some opponents got in, and I believe there was a considerable voteagainst the resolution. But the most important part of my remarks will deal with Dr. Maxwell. Let me say here that I had. the pleasure of hearing Dr. Maxwell at themeeting of honorable senators called to consider this question last week, and I join with those who testify to his courtesy. But having read his arguments I am placed in this position : that I now consider him either a dupe or an impostor. I know I ought to hesitate to apply those terms to- Dr. Maxwell ; but when I come to consider his arguments and the premises upon which he has based his conclusions, I say that, either some people in Queensland are usinghim in an unfair manner, or he is doing; something which is unbecoming to one in hisposition, and unworthy of him as a gentleman. He prefaces his argument by savins -

The localities where cane-growing is being; pursued have been, for convenience of consideration, gathered up within three chief centres,, these being known as the Bundaberg district, embracing everything south of Mackay; theMackay district; and the district of Cairns, which includes every cane-growing area north of Mackay. Bundaberg represents the more- temperate state of climate, Mackay the medium, while in the northern district of Cairns we run up into ultra-tropical climatic conditions.

With the conditions of nature thus differentiated, and divided into zones indicated by the respective districts, I will, in the first place, set forth the proportions of white settlers who are cane-growers upon the areas under cane in the respective districts ; and afterwards note the relative numbers of kanaka labourers at work in the cane-fields within these districts. There are 2,610 cane-farmers in Queensland, and these are distributed as follows : -

Iti Bundaberg district, we have one farmer to 32 acres ; in Mackay, 1 to 42 acres, and in the district of Cairns, each farmer is cultivating 72 acres of cane. These figures show us that in the more temperate climatic conditions of the most southern sugar district, white settlement, expressed by the number of cane farmers upon the cane-growing areas, is to-day two and a half times more dense than in the severely tropical conditions of Cairns.

I will now note the proportions of kanaka labour employed in three sugar districts, and also in relation to the areas under cane. The total number of male kanakas in Queensland at this time, according to the figures furnished to me personally by Registrar-General Hughes, is 8,656, of which number, 7,615 are known to be engaged in sugar-cane culture, and are distributed through the districts as follows :-

I must apologize to the Senate for reading this statement at such length, but I want’ to do justice to Dr. Maxwell. If he can explain away my conclusions I shall be only too pleased to apologize for anything that I may say. I want his statement to appear fairly in Hansard alongside what I have to say in regard to it -

When we compare the number of kanakas with the areas of cane in the respective districts in Bundaberg, where the white settlement is the greatest, in that district there being one farmer to 32 acres, we find that there is only one kanaka to 24 acres ; in Mackay, where each white farmer controls 42 acres of cane, there is one kanaka to 17 acres, and when we reach the tropical areas of the Cairns district, where every farmer cultivates 72 acres of cane, there is one kanaka to less than 9 acres of cane. We thus see that the relative densities of white settlement upon the canegrowing areas, and the relative proportions of kanakas employed upon those areas in the respective districts, are very generally in accord with the variations in the climatic conditions of those districts.

22 Q 2

Upon these facts; or statements which Dr. Maxwell has set before us as facts, he bases certain conclusions to show why we should grant an extension of time, and deal with the sugar industry in some other way than that proposed by the Bill. After basing his argument upon these facts, he insults the members of the Federal Parliament, as I take it, in these words -

We cannot, by any mode of reasoning, come to consider that the measures now before the Federal Parliament indicate an adequate knowledge of the matters with which they propose to deal. It is also difficult to conceive that the Prime Minister has foreseen how his proposals must operate in the several sugar districts ; and it is mere justice to conclude that the right honorable gentleman does not apprehend what will be in’ certain districts the fruits of their operation if they become enacted into law.

– That is so. I will give the places named in the return in order that honorable senators may verify the facts for themselves. I find- that the figures, as to the number of kanakas in Queensland, are as follow : - Aramac, 1 male; Blackall, 11 males, 4 females, total 15: Bowen, 277 males, *21 females, total 298 ; Brisbane, 47 males, 2 females, total 49 ; Bundaberg, 1,804 males, 108 females, total 1,912 ; Burke, 2 males ; Caboolture, 105 males, 25 females, total 130 ; Cairns, 1,084 males, 46 females, total 1,130; Cardwell, 1,155 males, 78 females, total 1,233 ; Charleville, 4 males ; Clermont, 7 males, 2 females, total 9 ; Cloncurry, 4 males ; Cook, 341 males, 19 females, total 360 : Cunnamulla, 1 male ; Darling Downs Central, 2 males ; Darling Downs East, 1 male ; Enoggera, 3 males ; Etheridge, 6 males ; Gladstone, 20 males, 2 females, total 22 ; Herberton, 21. males ; Ipswich, 3 males ; Kennedy, 14 males, 6 females, total 20; Leichardt, 2 males; Logan, 37 males; Mackay, 1,361 males, 114 females, total 1,475 ; Maranoa, 2 males ; Marathon, 2 males ; Maryborough, 37 males, 11 females, total 48 ; Moreton East, 89 males, 11 females, total 100; Moreton West, 8 males,. 1 female, total 9; Nundah, 16 males; Oxley, 8 males; Palmer, 1 male; Peak Downs, 1 male; Rockhampton, 8 males, 1 female, total 9 ; Somerset, 591 males, 81 females, total 672;

Senator HIGGS:

– There was a scarcity of men owing to the fact that we sent some 10,000 to South Africa, most of whom were drawn from the bush and from amongst the unemployed. Mr. George T. Barber has been quoted during the debate as having expressed himself inavour of a seven years’ term. This morning I received from him the following letter, dated Brisbane, the 22nd of November -

In the Courier of even date I note that from its Melbourne correspondent the Kanaka Bill was under debate in your Chamber last evening. -In the course of the address by the Honorable J. Ferguson he is reported to have stated that Mr. Glassey’s successor for Bundaberg had advocated the recruiting of kanakas for a further term of seven years. This, sir, I wish to state is false, as I have pointed out already in the columns of the Worker, which paper seemed to have fallen into the same error. In case you have not a copy of Hansard No. 5, page 191, I will give the words I used : - “ If the Government and the sugargrowers are not satisfied with the result of the federal elections, and are not prepared to accept the verdict given in favour of a ‘white Australia,’ we are prepared at the next general election to take a referendum on tho subject whether the importation of kanakas shall cease on the 1st January, 1903, or on the 1st January, 1906. So you see’ we are prepared to give the gentlemen engaged in the sugar industry time from 1903 to 1906, a period of three years, and I am positive that, if a referendum was taken, a most decisive verdict would be given to prevent any further importation after one of these dates.” You will see that, by basing my calculations on the latter date, that it would mean 1909 before the boys’ three years’ agreement expired and seeing that we cannot take the referendum till 1902, over seven years would elapse from this date till their time expires. Further on in the course of a speech by Mr. Cowley, I interjected - “I would give them seven 3’ears,” and Cowley at once twisted it to mean seven years’ further recruiting, which is a most deliberate misrepresentation.

That letter reminds me that Mr. Philp, Senator Ferguson, and Senator Fraser claim that the fact that the Government won three by-elections is part proof that the feeling of Queensland has changed. At the by-election - in Fortitude Valley - which is really part of Brisbane proper - the question was not once mooted by either of the candidates to my knowledge, and I was there at the time. The fact that Mr. McMaster defeated by about 200 votes Mr. Seymour, the labour candidate, is no criterion as to the voice of Queensland on this question. At the Gympie election, which honorable senators have said was won by the labour party by only four votes, Mr. Reid was just as much against kanaka labour as was, and is, Mi-. Mulcahy, the successful candidate. How can it be claimed that, because that election was won by only four votes, there has been a revulsion of feeling in the State since the federal election 1 At the Toowoomba election, Mr. Tolmey, the Ministerial supporter, was as much against kanaka labour as any one could be, and has been so for years. Yet these elections are claimed by honorable senators as showing that Queensland is in favour of a continuance of black labour. With regard to Rockhampton North, where a public meeting was held, and Mr. Linnett won his election by only one vote, after the elections tribunal had succeeded by various methods in upsetting the return of Mr. Turner, Senator Stewart, who was present, informs me that the topic of kanaka labour was not mentioned in the contest. Yet these contests are pointed to by honorable senators to show that Mr Philp has the country at his back. This agitation is an extremely selfish one on the part of those who would benefit from an extension. The Royal commission of 1889 took a great deal pf evidence, and then they asked for only a period of five years. Sir Samuel Griffith and his followers, for reasons best known to themselves, fixed no limit.

Senator Walker:

– Five years for recruiting, I suppose. That means eight years.

Senator HIGGS:

– I do not remember whether it was for recruiting, but Senator Glassey has kindly handed .to hie - the Queensland Hansard for the 6th June, 1889, in which Mr. Cowley made this statement, at page 162 -

An extension of five years would answer all present requirements, and would not pledge the. country to anything very great. Before the fiveyears are over in all probability the bonus system now existing among the Continental nations of Europe will have been abolished.

The Royal commission was composed of! Mr. Cowley, Mr. King, and Mr. W. H.. Groom. Mr. Cowley and Mr. King recommended an extension of kanaka labour, but Mr. Groom did not. Mr. Groom in his report said -

The remedies suggested by the various witnesses for the amelioration of the condition of the sugar industry, briefly summarized, are as foi- ‘ low: -

The repeal of the 11th section of the PacificIsland Labourers Act of 1880 Amendment Act of 1885, and its extension for a further period of five years.

A reciprocity treaty to be entered into with’ the Australian colonies for the admission of Queensland-grown sugar duty free upon certain, conditions to be arranged between the contracting parties.

The adoption of a comprehensive irrigation scheme ; and

That the Government should take the introduction of Polynesians into their own hands, and establish depôts at the various islands, to bemanaged by Government agents, and that on thearrival of Islanders in Queensland they should beconveyed to the immigration barracks and there be open to engagement in the same way as ordinary white immigrants, the planters to be responsible for the total cost of the scheme.

The reason why I describe this agitation asa selfish one is because the sugar-growers have obtained almost everything they asked, for in that year, notwithstanding the reportof the commission. They have secured afree Australian market, have had the five years’ term, are getting assistance in the form of central mills, and possess a very great natural advantage in their ability to grow sugar more cheaply than can any other cane-growers in Australia. What is to be: the position of the New South Wales canegrowers in competition with the Queenslanders even with white labour ? Twentytwothousand acres of land are under cane in thenorthern part of New South Wales. Mr. Knox, the general manager of the Colonial SugarRefinery Company, who ought to know, made this statement in a letter which h& wrote against federation in the campaign, of 1899-

No flowers of fancy about central mills or protective duties, &c, can alter this hard fact, and the^extinction of the sugar industry in New South Wales will soon follow the imposition of uniform duties of excise, for sugar can be made mora cheaply in Queensland than from cane grown in New South Wales, aud with any protective duty operating to increase the profits of the growers or manufacturers there would be no difficulty in meeting any increased consumption by a corresponding increase in the output of the northern colony.

To his mind the cane-growers on the Tweed and the Richmond Rivers would have to do what many of them, I believe, did commence to do as soon as federation was established, and that was to turu their attention to maize-growing and dairying.

Senator Fraser:

– That will not do in the north.

Senator HIGGS:

– Senator Styles has replied to statements of that kind in his comprehensive collation of old stories regarding “Victoria not being able to grow a cabbage. Dr. Maxwell said that dairying was impossible in Cairns, but certain gentlemen who have given their attention to the subject went through the dairying districts of New South Wales, and on their return told some people in Queensland, who hitherto were not aware of the fact, that parts of that State, and tropical parts too, were very suitable for dairying purposes provided that the dairymen got the proper breed of cattle. He stated that the very fact that the country was tropical was in favour of the dairy cattle, because it was not necessary to go to much expenditure in feeding the cattle, during winter. We know from Senator Pulsford what the sugar industry is likely to derive from a protective duty. In a very interesting letter which he sent to the Herald some time ago he estimated that about £800,000 would go into the pockets of the producers of sugar. Interested gentlemen know very well that, if kanaka labour is abolished, they will get the benefit of the duty, and I suppose they know that they can make up any loss they may suffer out of the pockets of the consumers of sugar in Australia. To my mind a more important question than the mere question of economics is the moral aspect of this traffic. I am surprised that the ethical side has not appealed with greater force to men like Senator Walker. I cannot understand why he looks only at the pounds, shillings, and pence. I am satisfied that if a representative of a missionary society, doing work in the South Sea Islands, were to ask him for a subscription, his three guineas- perhaps five or even ten guineas - wouldbe given. Why is it that he allows the work which the missionaries are doing in the South

Seas at the present time to be spoilt ? The honorable senator believes in Christianizing the kanaka. Though a few of the semisavages who come to Queensland may be educated, I believe that in most cases the kanaka is “ ten times more the child of hell” after he comes to that State than he was in his native island. I have here two letters which I should like to read to the Senate. One is from the Rev. Dr. Paton, who was for many years a missionary in the South Sea Islands, and who has fought against the kanaka traffic right “from the jump.” He has never, ceased publishing pamphlets and writing to the press in order to put a stop to what he . considers to be semi-slavery. The Rev. Dr. Paton, as far as I know, has no particular sympathy for the labour party. I am not aware that he ever belonged to a labour union in his life, or has ever been found encouraging strikes or disturbing the peace in any way. In fact the reverend gentleman takes no part in industrial matters of that kind. But what does he say on this subject? I wrote to him to ask him if he would give me a letter which I might read to the Senate in the course of this debate, aud this is what he sent to me -

Dear Sir, - Thanks for your kind letter, which I much appreciate. I praise the Lord for leading the Right Hon. Edmund Barton, Premier, and the representatives of our Australian Commonwealth in the Senate and House who sympathize with him to resolve, if possible, to close the Queensland kanaka labour traffic five years from this, and I pray that now no power nor combination of powers will be able to prevent its complete suppression at that period and for ever to Australia. By laws and regulations Britain and. Queensland have done all possible short of suppression to prevent the crimes so common in this traffic as recorded in their ‘ statute-books, but when their labour ships are collecting the nativeson the islands, and on their voyages to the islands and from them to Queensland, they are entirely under the power of their merciless captors, and. even with their Government agents in Queensland, . they are very much at the mercy of their employers. Once I spent some months in Queensland, visiting the planters and the kanakas on their plantations, trying to arrange evening schools and mission work among them after their day’s work, and on returning to Sydney I met a Baptist minister, the Rev. C. F. Johnson, whom 1 sent to Miss Young of Bundaberg, whohad been teaching some kanakas, and appealed for contributions for the support of a missionary for them on the plantations there. He was engaged, and wrought devotedly among them for years. On leaving the work to a friend, he sent me the following letter : - “lie labour traffic, let me say after eight years’ work in the midst of the kanakas, and close study of the whole matter, it is nothing but whitewashed slavery, and the sooner it is done away with the better, &c.”

The kanaka traffic has been, and is now a great evil, and only an evil to the kanakas. All along its line it has had an appalling history, though only now and again its crimes and murders in recruiting on the islands and at sea have been brought to light in the Queensland Law Courts, as in the cases of Dr. Murray, the Ceara, the Lizzie, the Hopeful, the Sybil, and the Forest King, who, by a Royal commission in Queensland, were all proved to have kidnapped, and deceived the natives -

Senator Sir William Zeal:

– That is nearly 40 years ago.

Senator HIGGS:

– The honorable senator’s interjection is like a good many of the statements which have come from that side of the chamber. I am. afraid that Senator Zeal must have rubbed shoulders with the romantic Senator Fraser, who spoke of 48,000 white people being directly concerned in the sugar industry, whereas, according to the close friends of the industry, there are only 20,000 whites who aredirectly and indirectly interested in it.

Senator Sir William Zeal:

– I know some of the cases the honorable senator has been quoting from personal experience.

Senator HIGGS:

– I admit the honorable senator’s long experience, but as a matter of fact these cases did not take place more than fifteen years ago. The letter continues - they got away ; see page 11 and following pages of accompanying pamphlets, Slavery under the British Flag. The commission in its reports says - “ The History of the Cruise of the Hopeful, of which the foregoing is an outline drawn from the evidence submitted to us, is one long record of deceit, cruel treachery, deliberate kidnapping, and cold-blooded murders. . The number of human beings whose lives are sacrificed during the recruiting can never be accurately known,” &c. See page 13 of the pamphlet, and 23 of the Royal commission’s report. These things were done by each labour ship’s company examined by the commission, and what of the whole fleet even under the most improved regulations, in which they boast that no such crimes can now be committed. A traffic so closely allied to slavery in the persons of men and women cannot be regulated by Queensland laws. Surely it should be suppressed. It is evil root and branch in its very nature, a disgrace to Australia, and I trust our Australian Commonwealth will have the power and honour of blotting it and its crimes for ever out of our Australian Commonwealth, and of pleading with France to do the same out of New Caledonia. Last letters inform us that at North Santo two lads were got on board a French labour ship. The missionary went off to plead for them, but the captain clung to his prey as is usual. When the missionary and his party got into the canoe to go on shore the two lads leapt overboard and swam for the shore. A man from the ship sprang into the missionary’s canoe and sank it, but all in it managed to get on board the ship alive. The ship’s boat was after the two lads, and when it overtook them one of the lads dived ; the boat waited until he came up, caught and dragged him into the boat by the hair of his head. A man from the boat swam after the other lad, who was also dragged into the boat, and both before the ^missionary’s eyes were so taken away to New Caledonia. English and French collectors act in the same way. in procuring the kanaka on the islands. Our son, a missionary placed on Tanna, had to visit Sydney for medical advice, and hurried back by next ship for fear of his work being upset by the kanaka labour ships. On landing at his station he found that by some means 50 had been got away to Queensland and 30 to New Caledonia, causing much grief and greatly retarding the work of christianizing and civilizing the savages, among whom he was placed five years ago.

We oppose this traffic because of its many evils.
Because it breaks up all family relations among the natives.
Because it causes great want, miser3’ and ruin among those left dependent for support on those taken away.
Because it takes away husbands from wives, and wives from husbands, parents from children, and children from parents, causing much destitution among the aged, the mothers and children who remain unprovided for on the islands.
Because even the savage cannibals on the islands must industriously cultivate the land as they depend on its products for their support, and there, if a man won’t work, he cannot eat.
Because of the dreadful mortality among the kanakas in Queensland, which should have long ago led to its suppression by Britain, which has done so much to free the slaves in other lands.
Because this traffic in its every branch has been, and is even now, steeped in deception and cruelty and vice.
1. Because the Divine blessing cannot rest on any industry so wrought, or on any colony or country sanctioning it, and by its great money gain blinded to its cruel oppressions and crimes, condoning all if they only get this labour, as if the kanakas were mere chattels, or animals for their use, having no claims in common with white men. 0 that our Commonwealth may have the honour of blotting out for ever this shocking traffic from Australia’s honour. The arguments for its continuance are just what were used b3’ the slave-holders in South America for the continuance of slavery, but it was, notwithstanding, suppressed, and the slave States were .not ruined thereby, but, by the Divine blessing, prospered more than ever ; and we doubt not it will be the same in Queensland by the suppression of this traffic. Had I, in roy pamphlet, used recent incidents in pleading for the suppression of this traffic, its collectors, employers, and advocates would, as’ usual, have denied or excused all.

The reverend gentleman goes on to say -

In the interests of humanity, of Queensland, and Australia, we hope the Commonwealth will suppress this blood-stained traffic. - Yours faithfully,

Jobs G. Paton.

I shall make only a passing reference to one point in this letter, namely, that the removal of the male kanakas from the islands leaves the wives, mothers, and children without support. As a rule, the kanaka traders do not take the women. They are objected to by the planters, in most cases, because they may have families. The men and youths are taken away, and when they die at the rate of something like 300 a year in Queensland, honorable senators must realize the state of desolation in the islands which follows the introduction of kanakas into Queensland. The Rev. D. Macdonald, whose letter I shall read presently, stated at the meeting the other day, that, as showing the way in which these islands are being depopulated, on the island where he was stationed there were some 12,000 kanakas 50 years ago, while now there are but 1,200. He described’ the appearance of the island as being very much like that of a deserted mining field. He only came from the islands about two months ago, and he writes as follows : - “The Pines,” Middle Crescent, North Brighton, 22nd November, 1901. Senator Higgs,

Dear Sir, - With respect to the kanaka labour traffic, or rather to its general effect upon the people in the islands, of which alone I here speak, I may say that there is no doubt that, however well the kanakas are treated nbw while in Queensland - however humanely the Queensland regulations are framed, and however comparatively well the recruiting vessels now act according to the regulations - yet the general effect of the traffic upon the island people is ruinous. A sufficient proof of this is that the islands ‘ are rapidly becoming depopulated, and the race seriously threatened, with extermination. It cannot be otherwise with such a traffic as this among such a people - or rather in such a people as these - no more capable than children of protecting themselves, and utterly without any government in the islands to protect them, and safeguard their interests as families and communities and a race. Two typical cases recently came under my own observation, and may here be mentioned. A youth ran away to a Queensland labour recruiting vessel from his aged and decrepit father, who was chief of the village, and from his young wife, who was near her confinement. The chief and father wrote, through me, to the captain and Government agent, asking them in the name of the community not to take away the youth. No notice was taken of his request. The youth was taken away, and is now in

Queensland. His father died shortly after the vessel left. In these circumstances, his wife was delivered of. a child, which died in a. few days, and now, while his three years service in Queensland are not yet ended, his wife has taken to evil courses, and become a moral leper. Of what avail is it to say in the case of such a tragedy to the nation, family, and community, that this youth was, perhaps, well treated, and had his ideas expanded in Queensland. If he hear of what has been caused by his going away he may never return to his ruined home. If only on returning home he learn the state of things, he may by first opportunity go back to Queensland, and may be then triumphantly pointed to as a proof of how well the kanakas are treated there, because he has co?ne “back of his own accord.

In the other case, a youth, newly married, ran away to a Queensland recruiting vessel, leaving his young wife. Shortly after - in March last - she died, apparently from grief.

Thus, however innocent in intention may be the Queensland planters, Government, and recruiters, the kanaka labour traffic must be described as in reality a draining away of the life-blood of the island race to fertilize the sugar, industries, and of the staining of the young life of our Australian nation with the blood of a race of men who have offered no provocation but their helplessness. Adopting a well-known expression of the great African missionary - Livingstone - to the present matter, I conclude by saying : - May heaven’s richest blessing be upon the Australian Commonwealth Parliament that will heal this open sore of the island world. - With much respect, I am dear sir, yours very truly,

Macdonald.

I wish to read another missionary statement which is not a very lengthy one - given by the R-e,v. William Gray, who states his position and opinions in this way in the first paragraph of a pamphlet regarding the kanaka traffic, published by him in 1895-

For twelve years I was a missionary on Tanna, an island of the New Hebrides Group. I went there with a mind perfectly open, so far as the kanaka labour traffic was concerned. For the first ten years of my life in the New Hebrides, I was a silent observer of all forms of the kanaka labour traffic. And probably my voice would never have been hea rd on the matter bad Queensland not renewed the traffic in 1892. Having suffered and seen the evils of the traffic in the past, I was constrained to speak when the Queensland Government renewed the traffic in the year just named. An intimate knowledge of what the traffic is in the islands would have been sufficient warrant for speaking on the subject. But in order to have a more perfect knowledge, when the opportunity was given me of visiting Queensland, I laid myself out to acquire all possible knowledge in the time at my disposal. Though convinced that however good the traffic migh’t be t in Queensland, the goodness claimed for it there could not compensate for the evils inseparable from it in the islands, yet, I went to Queensland determined to keep my mind open to every possible fact in favour of the traffic. And having been to Queensland, I would say now what I would not have said before I went to Queensland, namely, that the kanaka labour is veiled shivery.

– The honorable senator should read the report of a few months ago setting forth the condition of the hospital on their plantation. The Senate may be interested to learn that in 1896, or 1897, an inquiry was held into the conduct of an inspector, named Caulfield, who was stationed at Bundaberg. Inspector Caulfield appears to be a man who insists upon seeing that the kanakas are properly treated. The planters at Bundaberg raised an agitation, and petitioned the Government to hold an inquiry, with a view to his removal from the district. They did not want an inspector there who would demand that the kanaka should receive his full rations. They wanted some spineless fellow, who would be afraid to say anything lest he should lose his billet, in view of the fact that the Government was so much in favour of kanaka labour. The inquiry showed that even on Mr. Angus Gibson’s plantation the rations were sometimes short. Mr. Gibson is a member of the Legislative Council of Queens^ land, and a well-known gentleman. Even on his plantation the inspector found that the rations given to the kanakas were short on several occasions. I remember Mr. Gibson objecting to Mr. Caulfield, because he thought that gentleman took a wrong view of his position. He gave this example of Mr. Caulfield’s wrong headedness, that on one occasion the inspector lined up some 250 kanakas on Mr. Gibson’s plantation, and addressing them said - “ Boys, if the cook does not give you full rations, you tell Mr. Gibson, and if Mr. Gibson does not see that you get them, you tell me.” Mr. Gibson said he thought that was an extraordinary thing for an inspector to say to the kanakas. These facts are on record, and if it is desired I can give the Senate three or four columns of the inquiry as published in the Brisbane Courier in 1896 or 1897. It is impossible for the inspector to see that the kanakas are properly treated, because there are only a few of them throughout the country. At Brisbane there is one assistant inspector and two clerks, besides the immigration agent. At Bundaberg there is one inspector and an assistant inspector, and one clerk ; at Childers one inspector and one assistant; at Mackay one inspector and one assistant ; and at Maryborough, Townsville, Ayr, Beenleigh, and Ingham one inspector. Honorable senators will see that there are under a dozen inspectors to deal with the 9,327 kanakas in the State of Queensland, and extending over a vast territory. Here is another instance to show how the kanaka is treated in Queensland. This is a clipping from the Trinity Times of the 15th September of this year, printed in Cairns, and this is how they deal with kanakas there -

At the Cairns Police Court, on Tuesday, September 10, before the police magistrate, five kanakas were charged with absenting themselves from hired service for three days without leave. The prosecutor was the manager of the Mulgrave mill. The Inspector of Pacific Islanders watched the case for the boys. The Mulgrave mill was represented b)7 a solicitor, who stated he was in- .structed to press for heavy penalties. Three of the boys had been before the court previously for refusing to come to work. They had gone up town and got drunk. The Inspector of Pacific Islanders asked each boy if he had. “worked alonga Monday last week.” The boys said, “No bin work.” This concluded the case. The police magistrate fined two boys £5. each, with ±’1 ls. professional costs, and 4s. (id. costs of court each. “No goods, your worship,” said the Inspector of Pacific Islanders. “Two months’ gaol, then.” The other three boys were fined £20 and costs each, and upon confessing no goods, got four months gaol.

Senator PEARCE:
WESTERN AUSTRALIA · ALP; NAT from 1917; UAP from 1931

– And yet it is not slavery.

Senator HIGGS:

– That is what took’ place in September of this year. These kanakas were fined £20 or three years’ wages each, for absenting themselves for three days. This paper further states -

The boys alleged privately that their boss had made them work at night loading cane trucks, and had promised that they should have a holiday to make it up, as of course no overtime is paid to kanakas. They did not, however, advance this in court, but agreed to let Mr. Shepherd plead guilty for them.

How can the kanakas secure proper treatment when as the missionaries tell us there are some twenty different dialects spoken in the islands, and no Queensland agents or inspectors can expect to. know enough of their language to be able to teach them ? How can we expect them to be well treated when we know they cannot plead their own case, and we must know that if they had a solicitor, it is probable that in a small place like Cairns, he would not find it in his interest to do his best for them. If a solicitor was boycotted in Cairns it would not be the first time in Queensland that a member of the legal profession had been boycotted for holding opinions adverse to those who usually supply litigation. I know of cases in which men in the profession would have starved if they had had to depend for briefs upon a certain class in Queensland. It must be apparent to honor1 able senators that these cannibals who come from the South Sea Islands cannot be educated sufficiently to get justice for themselves throughout Queensland. Many of the kanaka employers look upon them as a dying race, as men who are bound to die anyhow, and disappear from the face of the earth, and they do not give them the treatment that ought to be given to human beings. From all aspects of the case this Parliament, in my opinion, ought to deem it an honour to have the opportunity to get rid of this kanaka traffic, at any rate, within five years.

Senator Sir FREDERICK SARGOOD:
Victoria

Senator Glassey:

– It is not worth much.

Senator Sir FREDERICK SARGOOD:

Hence we say that the main issue for Queensland is the continuance of present conditions in respect to the regulation and control of the kanaka.

– In favour of them at least, and perhaps he might have been more rabid, and gone as far as I did on the hustings when I said that I was in favour of bringing about immediately the result which Mr. Barton proposed to bring about ultimately. What was the position put before the electors of Queensland by the various candidates? We know the proposition which the labour party put forward. We know the position which the Postmaster-General took up. The sixth senator has been conceded by my colleagues to the Opposition. I do not concede Senator Ferguson to the Opposition. I claim him as a member of the anti-kanaka fold, because, although he was absent at the time of the nominations, lie is so enthusiastic an Australian that he was quite aware of what the Government proposals on this question were. I am quite sure that he would not presume to come forward as a candidate unless he knew what proposals were before the electors. What was his own statement 1 -

As it was impossible to be in Queensland for the elections I had to cable to my attorney there authorizing him to issue my address, which was very short, favouring free-trade and a white Australia.

Commodores Wilson and Goodenough both severely exposed its cruel practices in their official reports. Vice-Admiral Erskine, in the Times, 21st May, .1892, says .-“ Three years’ experience in the command of the Australian station, impressed on me that, under the most stringent regulations, wrongs and abuses occurred in connexion with the labour traffic, which invariably led to bloodshed and accompanying complications and reprisals. The most carefully devised regulations for the conduct of the liquor traffic, would not prevent wrongs and evils from being1 committed.”

Captain Davis, of His Majesty’s ship Royalist, also condemned the traffic, and Sir Arthur Gordon said, on the 7th of June, IS92, in the Times-

I fear it must he confessed that the danger, and even the probability, of abuse is enormous.

The High Commissioner of the Western Pacific, Sir J. B. Thurston, of Fiji - also condemns this traffic, and from intimate personal knowledge of it, his testimony is worth more than that of all the Griffiths, Blacks, Smiths, and Garicks in Queensland.

As to the depopulation of the islands, let me quote this extract : -

From 1887 to 1891, an average of 477, or 55 per thousand, died annually. In .1892, the deaths fell to 315, or 3B per thousand, as given in’ thenmortality statistics. But the following is not ancient history : - “Even under the new regulations and perfected treatment, according to the new Registrar-General of Queeusland, the mortality was, in 1892, of Chinese, 10-14 ; of Polynesians, 42-74 ; and of other alien races, 21.-26 per thousand.

That conclusively shows a greater mortality amongst the kanakas than any other alien race. As to kidnapping, this testimony is given by Dr. Paton in a letter to Sir Samuel Griffith-

Shortly before you closed the traffic one of our missionaries was requested by a number of men on his island to go with them to a labour vessel which had a considerable number of their wives on board, and had them confined to take them away : but the captain and agent refused to give one of them up and took them all away. The missionary was abused for pleading for them. Although one of the fathers held up his infant child, pleading for the mother to be given back to it or it would die, yet the slavers would not give back the mother to the infant, nor yet the child to the mother. Can pity be found among such labour collectors ? But to plead further is useless, seeing you have made up your mind and “do what conscience bids” you.

That is a marvellous side light on the question of the depopulation of the islands. If wife and husband are separated in that way, and the youth are taken, we can easily believe that the depopulation of the islands must follow as a matter of course. It has been said that white labour is unreliable. Why is it unreliable ? It is not unreliable everywhere. It is sufficiently reliable to take off the great wool harvest of Australia, and to be depended upon to harvest our wheat and wine. There is no complaint that the labour for harvesting those products Ls unreliable. Why is it that in the sugar industry the question of the reliability of labour is brought forward ? We can with very little investigation find out how this occurs. If labour is intermittent, it brings about two results. It creates a class of men who are nomadic in their habits, and who are unreliable in this sense that you cannot always rely upon them to be in certain places when their services are required. Not only that, but the nomadic life has an effect on the morale of the men. It makes them unreliable in the sense that they cannot settle down to continuous labour for any length of time. If an apparently more profitable employment, in the shape of a gold-field, turns up hundreds of miles away, then, following the nomadic instinct which has been implanted in them by their employer and his system of work, they will rush away to it. What is the cure for that habit ? Continuity of employment. But permanency of employment can only be obtained by doing away with black labour. The black labour takes away from the white man the continuity of employment. While you have cheap labour the planter employs it during the whole year, and during the crushing and busy seasons gives the additional -employment to the white man. Can we wonder that the white workers engaged in the plantations of Queensland are nomadic in their habits, or that the very system under which they work makes them unreliable? Again, we have to remember the experience of the slave traffic in the United States. In the library, any honorable senator will find an article which says that sugar is being produced in India under the primitive conditions of 100 years ago, and that although for an expenditure of a few pounds the growers could get machinery similar to that used in Queensland they will not incur the outla)’. In the Southern States of America, while cheap labour was obtainable, the planters were content to harvest the crop without the aid of mechanical inventions. It is only when labour becomes dear that the employer calls to his aid mechanism, and the inventor displaces labour. So long as there is cheap labour in Queensland, we shall have the same effect as they had in the Southern States of America before the war, and the same effect as is experienced in India, when the white planter will not call to his aid the inventor or mechanism, so long as he can rely on cheap and servile labour. It has been said that we shall ruin the planters. Out of their own mouths we shall condemn them. According to the literature which they have supplied to us, they have been by no means ruined in the past, even in the Cairns district. In a bulletin which has been issued by the Queensland Department of Agriculture on sugar-growing in that State, we read -

In the north, on the cleared, scrub land of the Herbert River, the system of small farming is in full activity. -Here selectors, living upon 160-acre Government lots, are growing cane with great success for the neighbouring mills. Amongst several into whose accounts I went with some care, I found that the man who was least well off bacl cleared .1.00 acres of land, oE which 70 acres were under cane, and that he was making an income of about £800 a year, with working expenses of £500.

That is a clear profit of £300 a year. What wheat-grower of South Australia makes that return ? What wine-maker of Victoria can rely upon getting that return from 70 acres ? The planters can afford to suffer a certain amount of pruning. They can afford to have a small portion of that £300 paid to white labour instead of to the kanakas. Surely the difference in the cost of the labour would not be very appreciable on a 70-acre allotment ; surely, the cost of harvesting 70 acres of cane with white labour would not make a very big hole in that sum. We have heard too much of this bogy of the high cost of white labour. We know that great profits are made by the producer of sugar out of the consumer. I find that the Age of 31st October of this year contains an account of the half-yearly meeting of the Colonial Sugar Refining Company, held in Sydney. The report of the company sets forth that the profits for the half-year ending 30th September, after providing for interest and all other charges, amounted to £93,927, to which sum had to be added the balance at profit and loss on the 31st March, namely, £91,698, thus making a total of £185,625. Prom this amount the directors proposed to appropriate, in payment of a dividend of 10 per cent., -the sum of £93,610, leaving £92,015 to the credit of the profit and loss account. That was a very tidy dividend to make. It is a better dividend than is made by many of our large mining companies, and better than most of our commercial concerns are able to pay. Seeing that the Commonwealth Tariff, if carried in its present form, is going to put into the pockets of these manufacturers a great sum of money, which will enable them to raise the price of sugar, they can afford to make some concession in favour of the sugar -planters, to enable them to engage white labour. A significant statement is made in an article written by Dr. Maxwell, in which he quotes the following figures. He says that in 18S5 there were 38,557 acres of cane crushed in Queensland, from which there were made 55,796 tons of sugar. At that date the number of Pacific Islanders in Queensland was 10,755. In 1899 there were 79,435 acres of cane crushed, from which 123,289 tons of sugar were made and only 8,826 Pacific Islanders were employed. These figures conclusively show that the decrease in the number of kanakas has resulted in an increased production of sugar. Surely that is a very significant statement, and is altogether opposed to the allegation that white labour cannot work in the sugar plantations. It is altogether opposed to the statement that if kanaka labour is abolished the sugar industry will be destroyed. Indeed, from these figures, the logical conclusion follows that if the whole of the kanaka labour is abolished in Queensland, the industry will have reached its highest point of development. I would also direct attention to the fact that the very arguments that are used to bolster up the kanaka traffic in Queensland are precisely the same arguments that were used in support of the slave trade in the United States of America before the war of emancipation. In a case of this kind it is just as well that we should see how other nations have fared in similar crises. Senator Walker has said .that the bringing over of the kanakas has the effect of Christianizing them, by bringing them under the influence of civilization. I find that precisely the same argument was raised against the abolition of the slave trade in America. At that time not only politicans, but clergymen were prepared to stand up for the slave trade, on the ground that bringing the slaves to the southern States had the effect of Christianizing them, which object it was said would not have been attained by the missionaries being sent to Africa. Furthermore, the very arguments which we have heard to the effect that white labour could not work in the sugar-fields of Queensland, were advanced by the cotton planters in the southern States against the abolition of slave labour. Whilst the cotton planters could obtain a plentiful supply of cheap labour they neglected careful cultivation. They went in for slovenly cultivation. I have ho doubt whatever that the same effect is produced by the employment of cheap labour in Queensland. What are the planters going to do if the kanaka traffic is stopped? Are they going to lose their capital ? Certainly not. The whole spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race is such that we are warranted in believing, that if’ the planters cannot make a profit from the cultivation of their estates in one way, they will do it in another. If coloured labour is taken away from them they will make the best of the white labour, and employ it efficiently; and if the white labour that is obtainable is not sufficient or is not efficient they will call in the aid of the inventor. Not that I expect that the inventor will be called in to do away with labour, but he will be able to find a way in which the sugar-cane can be successfully cultivated without the need for the employment of coloured labour. It is also a significant fact, that while Dr. Maxwell says that he believes a solution of the sugar-cane question in Queensland lies in the better distribution of land, and in the ownership of it in smaller allotments and farms, in the Bundaberg district the holdings are of less acreage than in the Cairns district. We can help the Cairns grower of sugar in three ways. We can cut into the profits of the Colonial Sugar Refining Company, and they will bear cutting into ; we can cut into the profits of the glower himself ; and we can also help him by the State enacting such laws as will cause him to cultivate a lesser quantity of land, and cultivate it more efficiently. It has also been said that we should not allow white labour to work in the cane-fields, because this work is unhealthy. Are those honorable senators who raise that contention going to raise it also in respect of the men who have to work in the smelting works and cyanide works of

Western Australia and Tasmania, which are certainly very detrimental to health 1 White men have been working for years past in the lead mines of Broken Hill. The risk to health there is very great from the men becoming “leaded.” Are honorable senators who raise this cry on behalf of the white worker in Queensland prepared to raise it also on behalf of those men in ‘the lead . mines of Broken Hill? It is a strange thing that the philanthropy of these honorable senators has only just broken out, and that notwithstanding that white workers have been engaged in smelting works and in lead mines in Australia for many years past, and although those senators have been in politics for a number of years, they did not . take any interest in the subject until a question was raised which touched their own pockets. Senator Macfarlane will recollect an incident which occurred while he and I were recently in Tasmania. We saw there a man going down to work at a furnace where the heat was so extremely great that they had to turn a hose on to him. He told us that he had- been doing that work foi- 25 years, and certainly he looked none the worse for it. I do not think that any honorable senators who could have been with Senator Macfarlane and myself to witness that sight would have considered it impossible for white men to work in the cane-fields of Queensland. As regards the question of profits, I should like to quote a remark from the Sydney Bulletin, although I know that some honorable senators may be presumed to doubt a statement made on the authority of that journal.

Senator McGregor:

– The most reliable paper in Australia.

Senator PEARCE:

– On mining affairs, at any rate, the Bulletin is one of the most reliable journals of Austraia. It says that 66 sugar-growers in the Mossman district had paid all that was due to the Government out of mill profits, and had received an average of £655 per man for their season’s share, while 43 Mulgrave growers received an average of £673 per man. Those facts show the result of one year’s overturn, and prove that the sugar-growers are not going to be ruined by the displacement of black labour by white. Dr. Maxwell says’ it will cause a loss of £7,000. The statements. I have read show that the growers can afford to lose not only £7,000, but considerably more besides. There is also another reason, in addition to those which have been given, why white labour is scarce in Queensland in connexion with the sugar-growing industry. This reason was given by Senator Millen, and I only mention it again because it has not been touched upon by other honorable senators, and appears to have been lost sight of in the debate. We know what followed in the Southern States of America in connexion with what were known as the “ mean white “ men. We know that in consequence of the. degradation of certain classes of labour a prejudice was created against it, with the result that white men would not engage in it. I know, from my acquaintance with working men, and from being a working man myself, how strong this prejudice is against occupations which are followed by Chinamen, Japanese, and other kinds of alien labour. It is not a prejudice with which I sympathize, because I regard all kinds of honest labour as honorable ; but it certainly exists. I believe that as soon as coloured labour is introduced into an industry like the sugar industry of Queensland, that kind of prejudice is accentuated in the minds of white workmen, with the ‘result that for the most part the planters are only able to secure inferior kinds of white labour. They are only able to obtain the scum of white men - the men of nomadic habits, who are reduced to entering into competition with black labour. But let the planters pay a decent wage to their, men, and employ only white labour, and I will guarantee that in less than five years there will be no difficulty in supplying, not merely 9,000, but 19,000 able-bodied white men, if they are wanted. Take the eastern gold-fields of Western Australia. A few years ago blackfellows had possession of them. I think it is only about nine years since the blacks had possession of Kalgoorlie. But now there are 40,000 white men there, not engaged in cultivating the soil for themselves, but working for employers under decent conditions. Where did they come from ? From Melbourne and Sydney to a great extent. Many of them came from Queensland. I know a man who came from Queensland, and I will give his testimony upon -this subject. He told me that he originally came to this country under the assisted immigration laws of Queensland. He came from Yorkshire, in England, and landed at Rockhampton.

He worked for two years in the Mackay district in all kinds of field-work. He told me that he was very glad to see that the Federal Government were introducing a measure to do away with kanaka labour. He said - “ Give me as good wages as I get in Perth, and give me decent conditions, and I am prepared to go to Queensland and work in the plantations as long as you like.” That is the opinion of a man who was not brought up in our climate, but who came straight from England - from an agricultural district where he had to endure cold winters. He worked continuously for one employer for two years in Queensland, which at any rate is evidence that he gave satisfaction. During all that time he was doing all kinds of field-work, and would be prepared to do it to-morrow if he was paid as good wages as he could earn in Western Australia.

Senator Dobson:

– - What is he paid there?

Senator PEARCE:

– He gets at present 9s. per day.

Senator Dobson:

– Could planters afford to pay that wage?

Senator PEARCE:

– If the planters wish to pay a good wage to their white employes let them advocate the passing of such a measure as the Industrial Arbitration Act, which is in force in New Zealand and in Western Australia. That will enable all differences between employer and employed to be settled. If such a tribunal is established, I will guarantee that there will soon be a sufficiency of white labour to carry on the sugar industry iu Queensland.

Senator Dobson:

– Is it not a fact that the trades unions in Queensland would not allow men to work if they were paid only 30s. a week.

Senator GLASSEY:
QUEENSLAND · PROT

– I say, without the slightest hesitation, that that is not a fact.

Senator PEARCE:

– My experience of trades unions is’ that they have not been able in any State of Australia so far to organize unskilled labour so as to obtain for it even a fair wage. Our experience is that the unskilled labourer has to accept the worst conditions and the lowest wage - certainly a lower wage than he ought to get - simply because he does not organize in tha same way as the skilled artisan does in the city. It is idle to talk of a scarcity of labour when we have the unemployed agitation going on continually in our great cities. The unemployed question is always facing us in Melbourne, and we have at Broken Hill 400 or 500 men who are practically starving, and asking the Government for relief works to enable them to live. I am satisfied that at least 200 of them would be willing to go to any of the Australian States in which they could be guaranteed fair rates of wages and fairly continuous employment. The wage question is not the only incentive which will solve the question of scarcity of labour, and also that of doing away with coloured labour. The prospect of having continuous employment has a far greater attraction than even a high wage. Unskilled labourers invariably look not merely at the rate of wages offered, but to the prospect of continuous employment. What is the use of £1 per day to the shearers, for example, when they have to wait six months in order to obtain it for the remaining portion of the year ? It is hardly a living wage, when we take into consideration the difficulty of obtaining it. The same remark applies to the labour employed in sugar-growing. If white men are offered high wages in the sugar industry for only a couple of months in the year, is it any wonder that only the unreliable labour of Australia is attracted? If they are offered the conditions that are afforded to them in the farming and pastoral industry - if they are offered employment the whole year round, with fair treatment and a fair prospect of being able to settle down and marry and rear families where they are employed - I do not hesitate to say that no question of scarcity of labour will ever arise. The treatment I have indicated will cure any such difficulty in regard to the supply of labour for the plantations. I sincerely trust that any attempt to lengthen the period within which kanaka labour shall cease will be unsuccessful. There has never been any straight out fight on this question. Those in favour of kanaka labour have never said - “We want it to continue for ever.” They have always said - “ Spare it for only another five years, or for another ten years.” I am sorry to hear the same old cry raised in the Senate. We have not heard any honorable senator say, “I want this traffic to continue for ever.” Those who favour the traffic ask that the time within which the Government propose that kanaka labour shall cease shall be , extended for five years. To what conclusion are these honorable senators leading themselves ? Have they ever thought of what would happen at the end of the extended period for which they ask. If their contention is right, that the industry cannot be carried on by white labour, what is the use of asking for an extension of five years or for any extension ? What do they expect would occur at the end of that term ? Do they anticipate that they would be able to repeal the laws which we are placing on our statutebook - to wreck the Immigration Restriction Bill, which we hope to see become law within the next month or two, or to repeal the Pacific Island Labourers Bill? If not, what is to be gained by asking for an extension of time ? The better position for them to take up would be to agree to the abolition of the traffic at once, and then to appeal to the Government for compensation to the sugar producers. They are not merciful to the farmers and planters when they ask that they shall be allowed to continue this class of labour for another five years, with a prospect of ruin at the end of that time. If they claim to speak in the interests of these people, they should ask for the immediate cessation of the traffic, and for the compensation of the sugar-growers, so that they might be enabled to start afresh in another Australia under better conditions. If the contention is correct that in the northern parts of Australia we must have coloured labour, then we are brought face to face with the question that this continent cannot be the home of the white races ; that it must be divided into two parts ; that we must hand over northern Australia to the coloured races entirely, or else have the white races under free conditions in southern Australia and a white slave1 owning race in northern Australia. Are honorable senators prepared to adopt that stand ? Are they prepared to say - “ We shall have in the southern States of Australia a free white people, but in the northern States we shall have a white slave-owning people.” That is what it comes to. Speak of this traffic as we like, defend it how we may, regulate it how we may, it is but ill-disguised and thinlyveneered slavery.

Debate (on motion by Senator Macfarlane) adjourned.

Senate adjourned at 10.22 p.m.

Cite as: Australia, Senate, Debates, 27 November 1901, viewed 22 October 2017, <http://historichansard.net/senate/1901/19011127_senate_1_6/>.

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Senate27 November 1901

QUESTION

WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY : BASS’ STRAITS

Senator CLEMONS:TASMANIA

Senator DRAKE:Postmaster-General · QUEENSLAND · Protectionist

Senator Clemons:

Senator DRAKE:

PACIFIC ISLAND LABOURERS BILL

Second Reading

Senator PULSFORD:New South Wales

Senator Dobson:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Higgs:

Senator DRAKE:Protectionist

Senator Pulsford:

Senator DRAKE:

Senator Drake:

Senator Staniforth Smith:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Higgs:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Higgs:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Higgs:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Glassey:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Glassey:

Senator Glassey:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Dobson:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator DRAKE:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Drake:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Charleston:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Dobson:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Dobson:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Dobson:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Playford:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator Walker:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator CHARLESTON:

Senator PULSFORD:

Senator FRASER:Victoria

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Glassey:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Glassey:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Glassey:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator McGREGOR:SOUTH AUSTRALIA · ALP

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Staniforth Smith:

Senator Glassey:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator Higgs:

Senator FRASER:

Senator MCGREGOR:SOUTH AUSTRALIA

Senator FRASER:

Senate
27 November 1901

Senator CLEMONS:
TASMANIA

Senator DRAKE:
Postmaster-General · QUEENSLAND · Protectionist

Senator PULSFORD:
New South Wales

Senator DRAKE:
Protectionist

Senator FRASER:
Victoria

Senator McGREGOR:
SOUTH AUSTRALIA · ALP

Senator MCGREGOR:
SOUTH AUSTRALIA

Senator STYLES:
Victoria