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House of Representatives
31 August 1944

17^th Parliament · 2^nd Session

HOUR OF MEETING
HIGH COMMISSIONER IN THE UNITED KINGDOM
MOTION OF CENSURE
NORTHERN COLLIERIES COMMITTEE
LUXURY CURE FOR LOAFING
PAPERS

Mr. Speaker (Hon. J. S. Rosevear) took the chair at 2.30 p.m., and read prayers.

page 401

HOUR OF MEETING

Motion (by Mr. Curtin) agreed to -

That the House, at its rising, adjourn to to-morrow, at 10.30 a.m.

page 401

HIGH COMMISSIONER IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

Mr CURTIN:
Prime Minister and Minister for Defence · Fremantle · ALP

– by leave - I inform honorable members that the extended term of the appointment, of the High Commissioner for Australia in the United Kingdom, the Right Honorable S. M. Bruce, C.H., M.C., will expire on the 6th October, 1944. The Commonwealth Government has asked Mr. Bruce to continue in office for another year, and he has agreed to do so.

Mr. Bruce will also continue to act as the Australian Accredited Representative on the Imperial War Cabinet, and as His Majesty’s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary for the Commonwealth of Australia to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

page 401

MOTION OF CENSURE

Coal-mining Industry.

Motion (by Mr. Curtin) - by leave- agreed to -

That so much of the Standing Ordersbe suspended as would prevent the Notice of Motion No. 1 - Censure of the Government - taking precedence of all other business until disposed of.

Mr MENZIES:
Leader of the Opposition · Kooyong

. - I move -

That the Government’s failure to maintain adequate supplies of coal impairs the national war effort; seriously dislocates employment, production and transport; imposes unnecessary hardships upon the community; and deserves the censure of this House.

Mr Harrison:

– I formally second the motion, and reserve my right to speak.

Mr MENZIES:

– The object of the motion is to give to members of this House a full opportunity to discuss the present very grave state of affairs in the coal-mining industry, and consequently in other industries. It is quite clear that the coal position is unsatisfactory. It is equally clear that it is dangerous. Production has fallen. It has not risen during this year; on the contrary, it has declined in the most alarming fashion. New SouthWales produces approximately six-sevenths of the total black coal produced in Australia. The maintenance of the output of coal in New South Wales is, therefore, vital to this. country. It is unnecessary for anybody to regard that as a partisan statement; it has been made repeatedly on both sides of this House. The Prime Minister (Mr. Curtin) himself has repeatedly used the strongest possible terms in establishing that the maintenance of coal production at the highest level is vital to the conduct of the war industries of Australia. Early in this year, the right honorable gentleman said this -

It is estimated that the mines in New South Wales have a productive capacity of at least 13.500,000 tons, after allowing for all reasonable losses of production from all causes.

What ave the reasons for the decline? That, after all, is the question to which attention should be directed. Again I say to the House that there can be no doubt as to the reason. The Prime Minister, on the 14th October, 1943 - nearly a year ago - speaking in this House, discussed the losses of production from the beginning of 1943 to the 18th September. He said that the total loss at that time had amounted to 2,500,000 tons, and that absenteeism had been responsible for the loss of 1,033,000 tons; strikes, 1,041,000 tons; other industrial causes, 125,000 tons; lack of waggons and skips, 7,000 tons; mechanical breakdowns, 140,000 tons; and miscellaneous causes, 153,000 tons. In other words, of a total loss of 2,500,000 tons up to that period, loss amounting to 2,075,000 tons was due to absenteeism and to strikes. If the same proportion is carried through, as it very reasonably may, from year to year, it, at once appears that the real cause of this failure to produce is to be found in the conduct of those who absent themselves from work, or, to put the same thing in another way, go on strike in this industry. If those losses were due to major industrial grievances, the matter could be understood, even though, because there is a war on, it could not be excused; but these causes do not arise from major industrial differences. The Prime Minister, and the Attorney-General (Dr. Evatt), have both repeatedly stated that the vast bulk of the stoppages are absolutely trivial, and involve no industrial principle whatever. Therefore it is clear - and the matter should be stated quite clearly - that the coal-miners have the initial responsibility for this grave decline in coal production, and for all its consequent results. No honorable member has any doubt that 95 per cent, of the 20,000 odd men engaged in coal-mining in Australia are decent, loyal, and patriotic citizens. I do not doubt that for one moment, but at least they cannot be acquitted on one charge, and that is that they have lacked the moral courage to suppress or ignore the small minority which has brought the industry to this pass - a small minority composed of stupid people, aggressively militant people, and actually traitorous people. Again I quote the words of the right honorable the Prime Minister, because on the 14th October last, in the course of a statement in this House, he said some very strong things about this minority. To these remarks I myself was proposing to deliver a statement in reply, but in the result, I made no answer, except one of approval, because the Prime Minister’s statement was, as a statement, a satisfying one. In the course of it, he said - -As a result of inquiries which I have had made, it is the opinion of the Government that the removal of minority malcontents and irresponsibles in the industry will go a long way towards maintaining increased coal production.

In the main, the irresponsibles comprise youths of military age, and men engaged in other occupations as well as mining - taxidrivers, starting-price bookmakers, billiardroom proprietors, dog-trainers and the like.

These men have engaged as miners in order to obtain protection. Generally, they readily agree to strike, sometimes themselves openly addressing the men, or making the first move from the mine, thus bringing on a general exodus because of the miners’ traditional policy of “ one out, all out “. The malcontents and irresponsibles are indicated by bad attendance, records.

There we have a very strong statement from the head of the Government, identifying these men who are the malcontents in this industry, placing the responsibility at their door, and indicating that they could be identified by their bad attendance records. There we have, quite briefly, and without dispute, the cause of the losses in the coal-mining industry.

Now I ask: “How has the Government, in face of the known facts, treated the miners ? “ The answer is that for years now the policy has been one of appeasement, ‘and always, in the long run, of surrender. In the very statement to which I have referred the Prime Minister set out a firm policy. It was a policy which had general support in this House. It is a policy which has the backing of an overwhelming majority, even if it were a party matter, in both Houses of this Parliament. I have no doubt that it is a policy which commands widespread support in the community. What were the proposals on that occasion? It is well that we should recall them, in order to see what has become of them. First, the Prime Minister was going to weed out the irresponsibles. But how many have gone? Is it no longer true that there is this irresponsible and identifiable minority in the coal-mining industry? One recalls that a certain number of these men were drafted out of coal-mining at one stage into the defence forces, and later drafted in again. The action which was taken on that occasion, at any rate, was followed quite speedily by surrender. This House is entitled to know, and the country is also entitled to know, whether these irresponsibles - as I say, identifiable irresponsibles - are still being left in this industry because of some poor miserable excuse that, if they left it, there would be fewer people to produce coal, and therefore they must be retained ‘to do their work - not the work of coal-mining, but the dirty work of preventing it.

The second proposal was that there would be prosecutions in every ca3e of unlawful absenteeism. There we have something which has been honoured in the breach rather than in the observance. How many prosecutions have taken place? Does the list of prosecutions, and of collected penalties, march with the growing reduction of coal production in Australia ? How many prosecutions have occurred since October of last year, when this statement was made? How many of them have been withdrawn or postponed ?

Sir FREDERICK Stewart:

– Or the fines remitted?

Mr MENZIES:

– Or, in the result, the penalties remitted? The third plank in this platform was that mechanization of the mines was to be proceeded with as rapidly as the procurement of equipment would permit. But the procurement of equipment for the mechanization of the mines will proceed only so fast as real and urgent priorities are given to it by the Government of the day. How much further has mechanization proceeded? It is difficult to believe that it has proceeded even an inch, since the statement of October last, because, on the 1st July of this year, the Coal Commissioner, Mr. Mighell, felt called upon to announce to the public that, although more men were employed in the industry, there was less production. It is very difficult to believe that with more men engaged there would be less production if mechanization had proceeded at all during tha. last eleven months.

The fourth proposal was that more men. to the number of 600, would be made available to the industry. Subsequently, we were given some figures which indicated that a few hundred men had been brought in. What is the net total now? If it is smaller than in October of last year, that fact does not square with the Government’s statement of policy; if it is larger, then the community is entitled te know why, with a larger number of men, there is substantially less production.

Mr Curtin:

– Well, that is a fact.

Mr MENZIES:

– It is a deplorable fact, and one which constitutes a vital challenge to the Government, a challenge which it can no longer ignore. The fifth proposal was that a second shift should be worked on the South Maitland field. Has that been done 1

Mr ABBOTT:
NEW ENGLAND, NEW SOUTH WALES

– No, the northern branch of -the miners’ federation refused to permit it.

Mr MENZIES:

– I know; that is why I asked. When the Government having announced in October, 1943, that a second shift was to be worked on the Maitland field, has to confess in September, 1944, that this has not been done because the miners’ federation objected, the simple truth is that the policy of the Government is being determined by the miners’ federation, and not by the Government.

Those were proposals of merit, and if they had been forcefully and resolutely applied they might have changed the whole aspect of coal production in Australia. However, we have only to consider them in the light of subsequent events in order to see how things have been allowed to drift. The Government has been constantly thinking of some fresh promise to make, some fresh means of appeasement. This has been alternated with the making of threats, the issue of ultimatums, of new regulations and of orders, and these have been followed by surrender, while all the time coal production has gone down and down. It is, perhaps, easy to talk in general terms of this policy as one of appeasement, but a very curious example has just occurred to indicate the point of view of the Government, and, apparently, the point of view of the Attorney-General in particular. Honorable members will recall that, earlier this year, Parliament debated at considerable length the Coal Production (War-time) Bill under which a commission was established, and the Commissioner given very great powers. The bill also provided for the appointment of special tribunals to deal with certain industrial matters. When the bill was in committee, I put this question to the Attorney-General -

Does the Government still regard the wagepegging regulations as applying to the coal industry t

That was an important question because, under the National Security (Economic Organization) Regulations, wages had been pegged, and we were told, to the accompaniment of a great flourish of trumpets, that this was an element in the pegging of .prices. Indeed, it is clear that the two must go together. From time to time, applications have been made to the Treasurer - I remember one quite recently - to relax the regulations, and they have been refused with great publicity. When I asked the Attorney-General whether the setting up of the special tribunals in the coal industry would have the effect of removing the miners from the limitations of the wage-pegging regulations, the Attorney-General answered as fellows : -

Broadly, there is no general departure from that general principle. However, questions may arise in a particular mine regarding conditions such as wetness or dust which entitle the miners to extra remuneration, and there is power to award such extra remuneration in an industrial dispute. I ask the committee not to accept the amendment.

– I am fed up with the right honorable gentleman as Prime Minister, and so are the people of this country.

Mr CURTIN:

– Honorable members opposite are very clever, but for 25 years governments which they supported had strike after strike and dispute after dispute, in the industry, and the same causes of trouble - lack of sanitation, bad conditions, bad ventilation, the irritation tactics of the employers, a bad minority, and absenteeism - but those governments did not a single thing to remedy any difficulty in the industry. In fact, there is not a thing operating in the industry to-day which did not operate when governments supported by honorable members opposite were in office. What has the present Government done to increase production of coal? In April of this year the Coal Commissioner took control of Commonwealth No. 1 Colliery in the Western district, then the only open-cut mine in New South Wales. Whereas it was then producing 400 tons a day, it is now producing 1,000 tons a day. That increase was achieved by the installation of new plant and machinery; and it is anticipated that with the installation of further plant the rate of production at that mine will rise to 3,000 tons a day within the next two months. The Government had to impress machinery for this purpose, and some of it was brought from as far away as north Queensland. . It had to be adapted for this work, repaired and reconditioned. An electric shovel, which was brought to Australia for use in a metalliferous mine, was requisitioned a fortnight ago and diverted to coal mining. It will be in operation in a week. The Coal Commission has expended about £35,000 in securing plant for this work. At Western Main, about 100 tons of coal a day is being obtained from a new opencut mine, and this output will be increased. An open-cut at Wallerawang, which will be in production in a few weeks, will yield about 200 tons a day. Coal is being discovered, after boring, in another area in the west, and will permit of open-cut methods being used. This is an entirely new coal area. Apart from offering immediate benefits, this area holds great promise for the future.. The project is an ambitious one, and involves the construction of temporary accommodation for employees, the provision of about 3 miles of electric power line for the site, and the making or roads and loading points on the railway. A mine will be in production in two or three months.

In the Northern District work has begun at an entirely new open-cut mine in the Greta seam on the Aberdare Extended property. It is expected that from this mine 500 tons of Maitland coal will be produced daily within a month. At Bloomfield a new open-cut, which is about to be developed, will supply about 1,000 tons of bunker coal a week. A geological survey has been completed at Muswellbrook of an area suitable for open-cutting. The Coal Commissioner has let a contract for the boring of the area to establish whether coal is available in quantity and at a depth to justify an open-cut mine. The first of the bores has been -completed and prospects appear favorable. If the remaining bore establishes the continuity of the seam, an open-cut mine will be developed quickly at that site. As far as can be seen at present, it will produce about 500 tons a day. With the cheaper cost of winning coal, all the open-cut mines will be conducted economically.

The Commonwealth Government has advanced £100,000 towards the cost of providing a water supply for the Leigh Creek coal area in South Australia. About 15,000 tons of coal had been produced from this source to the end of July, 1944. Production is continuing at the rate of 2,500 tons a week. The fuel engineer of the Coal Commissioner’s staff has visited Adelaide several times in order to assist consumers in the burnning of Leigh Creek coal. Its use is being extended generally to those plants capable of burning it admixed with Newcastle coal. The Commonwealth Government has assisted in obtaining new plant and is making arrangements for two experts to go overseas to inquire into the latest methods of burning this coal, and improving its burning qualities.

Officers of the Coal Commissioner have given close attention to production in Western Australia. A new mine, known as Wyvern, which will be fully mechanized, will produce SOO tons a day. A new open-cut colliery on the Stockton property has been developed, and is now producing 3,600 tons a week. At two other mines the Coal Commissioner has introduced mechanized forms of mining which have increased the output. Miners are well satisfied with the type of plant installed and with the conditions. Cardiff colliery, which was about to be abandoned, has been rehabilitated, with the result that 400 tons of coal a day is now being produced. Total production in Western Australia is higher for this year than for last year, and will continue to increase.

All mines in Tasmania have been inspected, and advice has been offered on means of increasing production. The Commonwealth is joining with the State Government in de-watering Seymour colliery with a view to determining their suitability foi- re-opening, particularly to assist Victoria’s coal requirements. With Commonwealth financial assistance coal-cutting machines have been installed at Jubilee Mine, and, as the result, there will be an appreciable increase of the output. The Langloh colliery is also being developed under the direction of the Coal Commissioner. The present output is in excess of that of 1943, and when mechanization is completed it will be further increased.

The most practical means of increasing production in Queensland is by the further development of the open-cut mine at Blair Athol. The limiting factor in this case is the capacity of the Queensland railways to move coal from Blair Athol to points of consumption. The production manager of the Coal Commission will shortly visit this mine, and all action found to be necessary to increase production rapidly to the full capacity of the railways will be taken.

Whilst mines in Victoria have continued working well, output is lower than previously, mainly because of inherent difficulties in the mines themselves. The Sunbeam colliery was rehabilitated by the Commonwealth Government in conjunction with the State, and is now producing about ‘700 tons a fortnight. We have proceeded with mechanization as rapidly as the means of getting machinery and plant will permit us.

Mr Harrison:

– Will the miner’s federation allow the Government to use that machinery? Australia has plenty of coal, but the difficulty is that the miners will not produce sufficient quantities to meet war and civil requirements.

Mr CURTIN:

– I did put to the Australian Coal and Shale Employees’ Federation quite clearly a specific proposal. I said that this country needed an output of 1,200,000 tons of coal a month for the prosecution of the war and the maintenance of civil life, and I considered that if the miners undertook to provide that quantity it was not unreasonable for me to make a certain arrangement with them.

Mr Abbott:

– Was that arrangement to nationalize the mines?

Mr CURTIN:

– No. I said nothing about nationalization.

Mr Abbott:

– But the representatives of the miners did.

Mr Harrison:

– And they will not be satisfied until they get it.

Mr CURTIN:

– I have received a letter, dated the 29th August, 1944, signed by G. W. S. Grant, general secretary of the miners’ federation. It reads -

At our recent central council meeting, held from 7th to 12th August, the general president and myself outlined the discussion we had with you re the target. After lengthy discussion, the following resolution was carried: - “That the report of the executive on the conference with Curtin be endorsed, and we pledge ourselves in every way to see that the target is fulfilled at the end of the year. Further, that the question of installation of power borers and other matters be taken up seriously with the Government.”

Mr CURTIN:

– Yes, I did, and, like my predecessors, I have been encouraged to believe that when certain prosecutions were withdrawn, a better state of mind would be created and the embitterment caused by them would disappear. I acknowledge that. I have tried to promote the utmost goodwill in the industry in order to avoid friction. There have been other occasions when I have felt that the statements of the miners were not bona fide, and I have insisted that the prosecutions should go on. After all, when the fining or imprisonment of citizens is at issue, the law has to be enforced, not by ministers, but by courts. For instance, it was found that in the Civil Constructional Corps for which men were called up, if they did not work, then, very properly, the only action that could be taken was to institute legal proceedings against them. Only a magistrate or a judge can decide whether or not a person shall be detained. That power cannot be exercised by a minister, or by any instrumentality of government other than the judiciary.

– There is no more such labour available in the Army.

Finally, I admit that the Government has exerted every endeavour to obtain the maximum goodwill of men engaged in the coal-mining industry. I acknowledge that from time to time representatives of the unions have made representations to the Government that certain things be done to improve the conditions of the workers in the coal-mining industry in order that increased production might result. I have succumbed to those representations. I acknowledge quite frankly that the union, from time to time, has requested me to do certain things or not to do certain things, and that I have acted in accordance with my judgment, in order that the output of coal might be increased. I acknowledge that I have tried what has been called appeasement; that I have even gone so far as to offer to introduce certain legislation into this Parliament. It is true, also, that I have tried the “ mailed fist “ by prosecuting large numbers of men because they have failed to carry oat the direction that they should do their work. There is on our statute-book a law which deals with this matter, and I say to the House, but more directly I say to the industry, that that law will be enforced ruthlessly.

Mr Anthony:

– This time?

Mr CURTIN:

– I make no qualification about this time or any other time. I trust that the honorable member for Richmond (Mr. Anthony) will believe me when I say that I have no desire to say something merely to please the Opposition. I repeat, that the law which we have passed in respect of the coalmining industry will be enforced ruthlessly against all those to whom it can be applied validly, whether they be workers or members of the employing organizations. The idea of assuming control of a mine in which a dispute of a non-industrial character has occurred will not be entertained. Where disputes of an industrial character do arise, and are germinated either by provocation or in difference on the part of the management, then, should an examination of the position satisfy us that control by the Government would increase production, the mine or mines concerned will be controlled; but no mine will be taken over or controlled merely for the sake of taking it over or controlling it. The only justification for the exercise of control, surely, must be that control would result in greater production. I venture to say, however, that the men who go on strike under the present management of a mine would go on strike under any other kind of management. Therefore, strikes must be stamped out. I say to the union that it will be destroyed if it cannot exercise discipline over its members, and I accept also as logical, the fact that the Government will be destroyed unless it also can enforce discipline.

Mr FADDEN:
Leader of the Australian Country party · Darling Downs

– Honorable members on this side of the chamber view with the greatest concern the present position in the coal-mining industry in its relation, to the war effort of this country. One can view only with pity the admission by the Prime Minister (Mr. Curtin) that, in effect, the Government is powerless to stamp out the lawlessness in the coal-mining industry. The right honorable gentleman said that the industry would be disciplined, and that the law would be enforced with the greatest rigour. No doubt the Minister for Supply and Shipping (Mr. Beasley), who is immediately concerned with this particular matter, will, spaak in this debate, and when he doe3, I should like him to answer certain questions. The president of the miners’ federation, Mr. Wells, has said that fines totalling £1,800 have been imposed upon coal-miners in the last two years - that is at the rate of £900 a year. I ask the Minister to say how many miners have paid their fines, and how much of that £1,800 has been paid by the miners themselves and how much by the miners’ lodge. I also ask the Minister to inform the House of the number of working hours lost in the coal-mining industry through absenteeism during the two years to which those fines had relation. In short, what was the loss of coal caused by the’ offences represented in those fines?

Disputes in the coal-mining industry have been discussed in this House so frequently that it, is not necessary to reiterate that numerous conferences have been held, regulations issued, and threats, warnings and appeals made by this Government since it took office in October, 1941. I remind honorable members, however, that regulations were issued in January. February, and April of 1942, during which year many conferences were also held. Last year, the regulations were again amended, and conferences were held in September, October, and November to devise ways and means by which coal production could be increased, as it was realized that a substantial increase of production was indispensable to an all-in war effort. The Leader of the Opposition has pointed out that six-sevenths of the coal production of Australia comes from the coal mines of New South Wales and that in that State the stoppages have been most frequent. Apparently, no regard whatever has been paid by the coal-miners of New South Wales to the effect, of dislocations in the industry upon the nation’s war effort. Members of the Australian Country party, like members of the United Australia party, have realized the difficulties that the Government has had to face in striving to secure a greater production of coal, and, consequently, have extended to the Government every possible consideration. We have been most patient. But it must be realized now that the whole subject has become the concern not of the coalmining industry alone, but also of every other industry, and of the nation as a whole because it involves the fulfilment of Australia’s war obligations to its Allies. The Prime Minister on this occasion, and other persons on other occasions, have made comparisons of the coal production of Australia in the pre-war years and the war years, but that, to say the least of it, is a very unwise procedure. It will not help the situation to remind the coal-miners and others engaged in the industry that Australia’s production of coal is greater to-day than it was in 1939, 1940, or in some other years. Such comparisons create an unreal psychological atmosphere and even tend to increase lawlessness in the industry. The circum stances to-day are entirely different from those of pre-war years. Production has been stepped up in every industry in Australia since the entry of Japan into the war in December, 1941, and the question to-day is not whether we are doing as well as we did in pre-war years, but whether, in fact, we are achieving the maximum coal production of which the country is capable in order that we maymerit the emergency conditions of these days and fulfil our obligations to our Allies. No unbiased person who surveys the present position in the coalmining industry can possibly be satisfied with the present declining production, however favorable he may desire to be towards the view of the coal-miners. The searchlight of inquiry must be thrown upon this industry. The Prime Minister has said, time and time again, that the coal-mining industry has given him more concern than has any other industry in the Commonwealth, and that our inadequate coal production has militated against an all-in war effort in this country. To-day, we have the spectacle of a form of paralysis spreading throughout industry in Australia by reason of the dangerous shortage of coal supplies. The coal-miners must be told that a greater effort must be made, and stronger disciplinary measures must be taken in the industry, in order that other industries in Australia, and other trade unionists, shall not suffer through an avoidable lack of coal. Every industry in the country is facing dislocation because of the necessity to ration coal. The unpatriotic atmosphere in which the coal-mining industry is being ‘Operated must be changed. Unless the present position be remedied, needless unemployment, the degree of which cannot be calculated, will overtake Australian industries at a time when every possible effort should be directed towards stimulating production of every description in order to consolidate the successes which, happily, are being won on the European battlefields, and in other theatres of the war. Unless such an effort can be made, there may be unhappy repercussions not only in the Pacific but also elsewhere.

In the course of his remarks to-day, the Prime Minister attempted to find an excuse for the present situation in the attitude adopted towards the coal-mining industry by previous governments as far back as 1929. He also stated that in 1941 the Menzies Government had indicated that in its view the stepping-up of coal production was not a matter for government action, and that the prevention of strikes and stoppages in this industry was a matter for the courts. Let me also refer to such recent history. During the period of office of the Menzies Government, leave was obtained to bring down a bill to effect amendments to the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Act in order to permit certain, disciplinary measures to be applied to the then striking coal-miners. The present Prime Minister, who was then Leader of the Opposition, urged the Government to postpone consideration of the bill, and, in support of his , plea. he brought to the notice of honorable members the following resolution reached at a conference of the Australasian Council of Trade Unions on the 5th June, 1941 : -

This congress recalls and reaffirms the declaration of the New South” Wales and Victorian branches of the Australasian Council of Trade Unions and other sections of the Trade union movement in 1930, and the Trade Union Congress of 1940, supporting the war against Hitler and Fascism. We record our uncompromising determination to continue the struggle against the aggressor Powers endeavouring to destroy personal liberty, industrial and political freedom, the right of collective bargaining and association, and therefore pledge the Trade Union movement to work for the swift and complete victory for the cause of democracy against aggression and oppression. We affirm that to prevent the possibility of individual profiteering by the war there should be brought about the immediate nationalization of the arms industries and the utilization of the national credit. We demand a substantial immediate improvement in the standard of life and freedom of speech and assembly.

If that resolution meant anything it surely meant that the trade union movement of Australia intended to co-operate wholeheartedly with the Menzies Government in its war effort. A Labour government was not in office at that time, but the Leader of the Labour party in *his Parliament made a strong appeal to the ‘Government to postpone consideration of the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbi- tration Bill and the then Prime Minister acceded to the appeal. For this reason, I submit that it is entirely unfair for the present Prime Minister to allege that the Menzies Government paid no regard whatsoever to the position of the industry at that time, and was prepared to leave the matter to the courts. To interpret the action of the Menzies Government in that way is to give an entirely false impression of the position. The intention at that time was to set up a special tribunal and to institute specific measures for the rigorous enforcement of the law, yet the proposal was deferred at the personal request of the then Leader of the Opposition. The members of this Parliament are the trustees of the people of Australia. This matter does not merely concern the coalmining industry and those who are directly associated with it; it affects the safety and security of every man, woman and child in Australia, as well as our international relationships and our responsibility to our Allies in the prosecution of the war. It is obvious that the whole basis of our industrial activity in connexion with the War is the production of the quantity of coal that is needed. The time has passed for further perseverence with the methods that have so far failed to induce the coalminers to produce the quantity of coal required. The matter is one of whether the malcontents in the miners’ federation, or the elected representatives of the people in this Parliament, are to govern this country. Too much reliance has been placed on “ kid-glove “ handling of the miners. The Prime Minister has allowed himself to be fooled by the continuous promises of the miners’ federation. I wholeheartedly support the statements of the Leader of the Opposition. The position to-day is equivalent to that which would be caused by a general strike, because of what will be the effect upon numerous industries if a remedy be not found and applied. There must be a “ show down “ ; the sooner the better.

Dr Evatt:

– What does the right honorable gentleman mean?

Mr FADDEN:

– The Premier of Queensland was in Canberra recently and he stated that his Government was willing to do anything in its power to obtain coal at Collinsville or elsewhere in that State. I found him most willing to co-operate with the Commonwealth Government in this manner. As the Prime Minister has said, 12½ per cent of the disputes on the coal-fields have their origin in industrial matters. I should not worry greatly if those were the only disputes to which the Government had to give attention, because I do not expect that we shall ever have complete harmony in the coal industry. I do not believe that that is possible, but if we could eliminate half of the disputes arising from other causes, we should go a long way towards solving the problem of coal supplies. We hear from time to time of all sorts of reasons for work in the coal mines being held up. If it be true that there is a section of miners who are deliberately taking advantage of the loyalty of good men, as the Leader of the Opposition said was the case, I agree with him that they ought to be removed from the industry. I believe too that the miners’ federation would be the first to remove them. Recently, on one of the western coalfields a dispute originated with some clipper boys. I fear that any appeal made to them to regard the country’s need for coal as the paramount consideration makes no impression on them. I pay a tribute to the honorable member for Hunter (Mr. James) for what- he has done to preserve peace in the coalmining industry. The honorable gentleman has done much of which the public knows nothing to keep the mines working. At times that involves meeting the men at the pit-top early in the morning. I fear that the honorable member has worked harder and longer in the interests of the men than their ingratitude indicates. He has discussed with me, and with the wiser men associated with the industry, various matters which have led to disputes in the past. I cannot explain why mere boys have recently been able to influence the older men as they have done. The Government has undertaken a number of investigations with a view to solving these problems, and, as has been stated during this debate, the Prime Minister has made a number of statements regarding the trouble on the coalfields. The Government has been accused of following a policy of appeasement, but, notwithstanding the criticism that has been levelled against it, the fact remains that, so far, the country has been supplied with its essential requirements of coal. We have kept our war industries going. We have maintained the supplies necessary to keep our ships moving on our coast. We have supplied the needs not only of our own fighting forces, but also those of our allies in this country. That has been a great accomplishment. I pay tribute to the Coal Commissioner, Mr. Mighell, who has worked round the clock in order to do that. He has shown wonderful loyalty to me personally as Minister for Supply and Shipping, and to the Government and the country. We have now struck this bad patch. It is true that coal at grass has almost run out. Supplies of coal in Victoria and South Australia have been no more than sufficient to meet the needs from day to day. I have marvelled at the Coal Commissioner’s capacity to keep those States supplied and their industries going. My department has had to keep ships standing by in the port of Newcastle in order to ensure that shipping should be there when coal came. What Mr. Mighell has had to do would probably be enough to kill half-a-dozen other men; but he was able to keep the coal supplies moving in sufficient quantities during a period when, as we all know, this country had its back to the wall. As all good things come to an end, so too must evil practices. I believe that we have reached that stage now. The Leader of the Opposition said that if disciplining the miners meant a three months’ struggle, let us have it. Well, we have tried to avoid that kind of thing. We have experienced what happens on the coal-fields when attempts are made to lay the heavy hand of authority on the coal-miners. We have vividly in our minds the struggle at Rothbury between the miners and authority. We have steered a course contrary to all these things and I have no doubt that our policy has been correct. I still have hopes that the combined thought of organized labour will be brought to bear on this subject. I do not want that to be interpreted as meaning that the Government is walking out on its responsibilities. It cannot do that. It must meet the country’s needs or cease to govern. The paramountcy of the parliamentary system must be maintained. It is as important to me and my family as it is to other honorable members and their families that the democratic form of government shall continue. It is with no political purpose that I throw into the ring the fact that those who voted “ No “ at the referendum voted that way to ensure their liberty and their right to work when and where they felt disposed. Government must go on.

I have not discussed the question of who should bear the responsibility for the coal position. In some instances the mine-owners could have adjusted the difficulties that had arisen. It is also true, as the Prime Minister said, that we have inherited at a critical period in our existence an unfortunate legacy. While I was abroad I read some interesting articles about power and its use. The writer discussed the methods of those who ruled in the United States of America prior to the advent of the present Administration. He described how big business and finance exercised power with total disregard of the masses of the people. Then he went on to say that, having used that power without proper balance, they suffered the consequences in the policy of the present United States Administration. He contended that, while power transfers from one side to the other, the principle of balanced use of that power is equally important to both sides. He pointed out how the people react violently against misuse of power in any direction. I therefore say to the miners that, if taking advantage of our policy of appeasement they do things which, because of the war, make difficulties for the Administration, they may be creating on the debit side something for which they will be really sorry when the existing circumstances change. As the Prime Minister said, we have inherited a legacy from those who got on to the mine-fields early and took the best seams and drew the highest dividends in the quickest time. They picked the eyes out of the industry, showing total disregard for the conditions of the workers, and then sold their shares. There is no doubt tb at the life which the miners had to live then was such as no man should be required to live. The mine-owners in those days used their power without balance. Many of those who were in the industry then are not in it now. Conditions, too, have changed, but unfortunately the Government has inherited a legacy from the past. Regarding control, the objective of the Commissioner is to secure production. If we take over a mine or mines, we must, be sure of the maintenance of at least existing output. Involved in this matter is the problem of supervision because, as Minister charged, with the administration of the coal-mining regulations, I do not want to have on my bands the blood of hundreds of miners entombed or gassed because of faulty administration or incompetent management or superintendence. The question of control of the mines is not easy of solution. It requires careful organization and, perhaps more important, competent direction. I am informed that Richmond Main colliery is the most difficult in the world to manage. My administration will be judged, not so much on spectacular achievements as on the effective things I have done to ensure the meeting of the needs of the community and the safety of all those men who will be involved. The Prime Minister has had a most difficult task. No man could have suffered more within from the problems of coal production. I have sat with him at conferences held to discuss coal production. His speeches at those conferences were far more forceful than anything ever uttered in this Parliament. [.Extension of time granted.] It is fitting that I should, pay my tribute to him for his efforts to maintain coal production. I must also pay tribute to the AttorneyGeneral (Dr. Evatt) who acted for me during my illness and my absence overseas. He also did all kinds of things tei keep coal moving from the mines to the community. If what we have done to ensure the production of the coal necessary to keep industry in operation deserves condemnation, I know that we shall be big enough to take it. But I urge honorable members to keep in their minds the fact, that we have a most difficult problem, the solution of which would be equally as difficult for the Opposition, if it were in office, as it is for us. I ask them to have a kind thought for us in all these difficulties. We will do our best, and no one can do more.

Mr WHITE:
Balaclava

.- I support the motion of the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Menzies) who propounded eloquently and thoroughly the case against the Government. The Prime Minister (Mr. Curtin) made a reply, which, summed up, means that he is worried over this problem. He has promised that in future offenders in the industry will be prosecuted. However, the maximum punishment for inciting a strike is only £2, and we know that the fine, if paid at all, is usually paid by the union. I compliment the Minister for Supply and Shipping (Mr. Beasley), whom we are glad to see in good health again, upon the moderation of his utterances to-day. There is much merit in all his arguments. The installation of more machinery, and the extension of the open cut method, will probably increase production. Indeed, at the end of the last war a similar set of circumstances led Victoria to resolve, in the words of the late Sir John Monash, that it would no longer be >an industrial vassal of New South Wales. Consequently that State embarked upon the immense brown coal scheme at Yallourn. That’ undertaking is completed, and the State is largely electrified. Were it not so, I shudder to think what would be the position in Victoria if it had to rely upon New South Wales coal to-day. The people generally are gravely concerned over the unsatisfactory position existing in the coal-mining industry. They have felt the impact of the troubles in industry through restrictions upon production and transport, and they now perceive the drift towards industrial anarchy because the powerful union in this industry seems to be able to go its own w.ay unchecked. The futility and pusillanimity of the Government in dealing with this problem completely warrant this motion of censure. I hope that as the result of the motion, we shall have from the Government less speech and more action in the future. The Government is cognizant of all the facts. It is useless for it to wring its hands, and to endeavour to dismiss the problem by saying that in future any miner who breaks the law will be prosecuted. We have heard too much of that kind of talk already. On my first appearance in this House upon my return to Australia after an absence abroad of two years, I heard a speech by the Prime Minister upon the industry, and I was most impressed by what he was going to do to remedy its troubles. He then said that the disputes in the industry were attributable to irresponsibles consisting of billiard saloon markers, racing-dog trainers and the like, and that these men were the cause of ;all the trouble. He led us to believe that he intended to purge the industry of that class of people. It almost brought tears to our eyes to see how moved he was upon the subject. Three months later, when I asked him what action had been taken in that direction, I was informed that 76 men had been pushed out of the union. But from other sources I learned that those 76 men could not be classified as irresponsibles. I was told that they had retired owing to illness, or old-age or had enlisted. Therefore, the position in the industry to-day is no different from that existing at the time when the Prime Minister made all those promises. All this wringins: of hands on the part of Ministers, and more and more promises, mean nothing to me now. Recently, following one of the numerous coal conferences held - another conference is to be held on Friday - the Prime Minister stated -

Coal stocks were in a grievous condition because of a veritable state of anarchy in the industry. Industry and essential services are threatened. This country would .be unable to carry out the Australian part of the plan which I put to the British Prime Minister and as the result of which substantial British forces will be here very shortly.

Mr. Churchill would be entitled to say to me, “ You come here to ask us to do things, to send ships of fighting character, to base them in certain places, and you have not coal to maintain the industrial effort on which this fighting effort in the final analysis rests.

– The man-power officer, who is in touch with the Army, could be told to ask any skilled men in the forces whether they wanted to transfer. He could accept any volunteers, and there would be plenty of others offering who would be ready to learn the work. As happened after the last war, the Repatriation Department could from this material turn out every kind of skilled operative. Has the honorable member never heard of vocational training? Under the vocational training scheme, introduced for ex-servicemen after the last war, thousands of returned soldiers were given industrial training. After they had enjoyed three months’ leave, those who wished to undertake vocational training were allowed to choose the industry they preferred, and in making that choice they were guided by representatives of various industrial unions and by officers of the Repatriation Department. When a trainee commenced work he was paid the full award wage prescribed for the industry. At first, only a portion of his wage was paid by his employer, the remainder being subsidized by the Government; then, as his efficiency increased, the proportion of his wage paid by his employer increased until the Government’s contribution ceased altogether. Surely such a scheme could be adopted in the coalmining industry now. I remind honorable members that in Great Britain today when boys attain the age of eighteen years they are given the choice of entering the armed forces or working in the coal mines. The situation on our coal-fields to-day should be faced resolutely. It is useless for the Government to promise repeatedly that something will be done. A fine of £2 for starting a strike is quite insufficient. That sum is mere “ pin money” to a coal-miner earning a minimum of £8 a week. From recollection, I think that the maximum penalty for the fourth offence is only £10. These men. are putting themselves above the law, and so long as they are permitted to flout the law as they have done in the past, coal production will not increase. The following statement, made by the Premier of South Australia (Mr. Playford), epitomizes the views held by many people in the community : -

Endless concessions have been made to the miners. One of their former union secretaries and Labour Ministers has been given powers superseding those of the Arbitration Court in fixing their wages and conditions. Cabinet Ministers wait on them cap in hand. More men have been released to the industry. The miners’ federation, apparently the strongest political force in Australia, has secured the remission of fines imposed in lawfully constituted courts and imposed its own penalties and it has obtained the release of strikers called up for military duties.

The public is not told what is happening. The people who do know seem blind to the consequences of the present policy.

We on this side of the chamber are not blind to the consequences. I believe that this matter has gone so far that the spirit which is being shown by the coal-miners may spread to other workers in Australia, who at present are endeavouring to do the right thing. I realize that honorable members opposite are worried about this matter, and that the views which have been expressed by Opposition speakers are shared by others. I have no doubt that some Government supporters would voice similar sentiments were it not for the fact that caucus fetters prevent them from doing so.

I realize that this censure motion will be defeated easily by the numbers of Government supporters, but I hope that it will be a lesson to the ‘Government and an indication that what is required is action and not words. Let us be done with fine speeches, and the multitude of fiats and conferences such as have been held in the past; let us have some real action such as the expulsion of recalcitrant miners from their union, or the release of volunteer workers from the Army. If the Government cannot remedy the position, it should get out and make way for a government that will.

Mr JAMES:
Hunter

.- From supporters of a motion of censure such as this, one naturally expects some constructive suggestions, but the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Menzies) and the honorable member for Balaclava (Mr. White) indulged only in condemnation of the Government. Of course, members of the Opposition have not the responsibility of government upon their shoulders, and are at liberty to- be as destructive as they please, but I remind them that the administration of this country’s affairs is a responsible job, and which calls for a great deal more than the offering of mere carping criticism. I ha.ve been for many years in this Parliament, and I recall that, during my term on the Opposition benches, certain things were done by anti-Labour governments. The Leader of the Opposition said that we should forget the bad old days, but, unfortunately, those days cannot -be forgotten entirely. When the coalminers were locked out for fifteen months by the mine-owners in 1929, I was a new member of this House, and the circumstances of that lock-out are difficult to forget. The miners were merely notified that after fourteen days their wages would be reduced by 12-J per cent., despite the fact that such action was in contravention of Arbitration Court awards made under the Industrial Peace Act enacted by this Parliament. From recollection, I think that the awards concerned were made by the late Mr. Charles Hibble. After considerable agitation by myself and my colleagues on the Opposition benches the government of the day - the Bruce-Page Government - decided, just prior to the Easter recess, that the late Mr. John Brown would be prosecuted for having taken illegal action in locking-out the coal-miners. However, when Parliament went into recess, the prosecution was withdrawn. Therefore, if the Curtin Administration has withdrawn prosecutions, it has merely followed the precedent set down by the Bruce-Page Government.

In the course of my remarks I hope to make some constructive suggestions. T contend that, although honorable members opposite are not charged with the responsibility of government, their duty clearly is to be constructive in their criticism. So far, the Opposition speakers have merely said that the Government has done this or has done that, and they have quoted inaccurate statements from the press. We on this side of the chamber know quite well that the policy of the mine-owners is to flood the press with their own publicity, and apparently that publicity has succeeded in convincing the honorable member for Balaclava that the many bad things that are 6aid about the coal-miners are true. I should like to make it quite clear that I am not endeavouring for a moment to defend many of the industrial stoppages which have taken place. I have no doubt that some of them at least could have been avoided. But the people whom honorable members opposite defend must also bear their share of responsibility for the stoppages that occur. I intend to submit to honorable members a list of stoppages, which aggregate a loss of 2-63 days, and thereasons which caused work to cease. It will show clearly that, in relation to those 263 days at all events, the mineowners were wholly and solely to blame.

I come now to the subject of propaganda, and, in this connexion, I submit for the consideration of honorable members a letter signed by Henry Gregory Forster, the friend of some honorable gentlemen opposite and, possibly, of the honorable member for Balaclava, which will indicate the methods adopted by some coal-owners to hold the workers up to ridicule.

Mr White:

– I have never met the gentleman.

Mr JAMES:

– Whether Mr. Forster is a friend of the honorable member for Balaclava or not, he is, doubtless, the friend of the honorable member for the coal-mining constituency of Bondi ! Unfortunately, it always seems to be my fate to precede that honorable gentleman in debates of this kind. I should be very glad to follow him on some occasions for I would then “ trounce his pants “. The letter signed by Mr. Forster refers to an organization which covers fourteen mines, and it reveals an attempt to increase the membership of the association. It is as follows: -

page 431

NORTHERN COLLIERIES COMMITTEE

8 Spring-street,

Sydney, 2nd March, 1942

Dear sir,

We write to you in reference to the industrial position prevailing in the coal-mining industry.

A number of companies, a list of which we enclose herewith, have formed an organization known as Northern Collieries Committee as the members felt that a committee of this description was badly needed to place more forcibly the owners’ view before the Central Reference Board and the many other local boards. We have, for some months past now, represented all our members in all industrial spheres, and the results have been quite successful.

On many occasions before the Central Reference Board we have felt that the position of other coal mine proprietors in other States, have not been placed as strongly as it could have been for their respective spheres, and on account of their local conditions. We believe that with closer co-operation with ourselves, and with local history of the case to go on, a much stronger case could bo presented on your behalf.

My committeemen have directed me to write to you suggesting that you become a member of this organization. The fee as you will see, is infinitesimal, but they believe that if we persuade you to join us in our application a much stronger fight could be put up against the ever-grasping and avaricious unions.

We have not been asleep to the value of newspaper propaganda in our interests; so much so that on many occasions union leaders have endeavoured to have us suppressed, and we can quote the fact that over the past six months more newspaper comment on behalf of the coal mine owner has been made than had occurred in the press for ten years previously. We suggest it must be apparent to you that newspaper propaganda carries a good deal of weight in influencing the outlook of the present Government and with this view in mind we never let an opportunity pass to place our side of the question fairly before the public. In doing so we believe we have made the public generally realize that the conditions under which the miners are working to-day are far above those of any other employee.

We have been successful in winning a number of cases before the local reference boards, which had they not been vigorously fought, would have resulted in even greater hardships having to be suffered by the coal mine owners.

I would point out to you that this committee is not dependent upon the subscriptions which you make to pay for its existence as it is supported by other coal interests.

We would be happy - and feel we can render you a great service - if you will permit us to represent you in the industrial sphere. Enclosed herewith is a copy of the rules, and we would be glad to have your reply at the earliest possible moment.

In conclusion, we would mention that before any action was taken on your behalf your full authority and counsel would be sought.

Yours faithfully,

Gregory Forster,

Secretary

List of Companies

Aberfield Coal Mining Co. Pty. Ltd.
Ayrfield Collieries Ltd.
Fassifern Colliery Pty. Ltd.
Maitland Extended Collieries Pty. Ltd.
Maitland Main Collieries Pty. Ltd.
R. W. Miller & Co. Pty. Ltd.
Millfield Coal Mining Co. Pty. Ltd.
Northern Company.
North Wallarah Colliery Pty. Ltd.
Olstan-Croft Bros.
Pacific Coal Co. Pty. Ltd.
Stockton Borehole Collieries Pty. Ltd.
Andrew Sneddon Pty. Ltd.
Victorian Coal Mining Co. Ltd.

I direct attention to the paragraph which invites membership of the organization. Reference is made in it to the “ infinitesimal “ fee involved in membership and to the value of the organization in dealing with “ ever-grasping and avaricious unions “. That is not a bad expression. The letter also points out, as honorable members will see, that the organization was able, during the preceding six months, to obtain more press publicity in favour of the coal-owners than was obtained in the preceding ten years. I direct special attention, also, to the paragraph which states that the organization does not depend solely on the subscriptions of its members, but receives support .from other coal-mining interests. It would be interesting to know which interests are contributing. I do not know whether the honorable member for Balaclava went to the “ scab “ mine at Rothbury, in 1930, after one of the workers, Norman Brown, a mere lad of seventeen years of age, had been shot, and, if he did so, whether he sympathized with the relatives of the boy. Probably he went there with the Rajah of Rothbury, Mr. Weaver, who, I point out, . remained under cover when the shots were fired. At any rate, propaganda of the type favoured by Mr. Forster’s organization is not likely to do anything to help in the production of coal. I do not know whether the honorable member or his party has any interests in Rothbury, but it would certainly be illuminating^ to us to be told who supports this organization, apart from its own members.

I also feel some responsibility to reply to certain remarks made by the Leader of the Opposition, who referred to the reduced output of coal. I remind the right honorable gentleman that, in 1940, when he was Prime Minister, our total production of coal was only 9,500,000 tons. Since this Government has been in office, the production figures have been higher than ever before in the history of the industry, despite the fact that, in 1942, -7,000 persons fewer were employed in coal-mining than in 1925, when the previous record was reached. I concede that mechanization has been applied to a considerable degree since that time. My point, however, is that the application of the “ big stick “ to the coal-miners, which was favoured by the Menzies Government, did not get us anywhere. A general strike occurred at that time; whereas at present the strikes, bad as they are, are only in isolated places. I say quite definitely and clearly to the coal-miners that I condemn the policy of striking before an approach has been made to the appropriate tribunals with the object of securing the redress of grievances. Sufficient tribunals are available in these days to ventilate all disputes. I shall show, however, that the tactics adopted by the coal-owners in relation to the stoppages aggregating 263 days, set out in the list that I shall quote, have contributed greatly to the loss of coal. I say to the miners that, in spite of the irritation tactics adopted by some coalowners, they should approach the tribunals that have been established for the purpose of rectifying grievances. I am aware that the coal-owners are attempting unfairly to alter conditions in this industry which have operated for many years. In some instances, the coal-miners are not aware that any change has been made until they receive their pay envelopes. In such circumstances, it is natural that the miners should be irritated. Nevertheless, I consider that they should ex-pose the mine-owners’ tactics before the tribunals that are available to them.

Honorable gentlemen opposite have said that an attempt should be made to discover the causes of the stoppages in this industry. The Leader of the Opposition, in making this point, said that disciplinary measures should be applied. I agree with him. The union has lost a large measure of the control which it once exercised over its members. When I was a lad, my father took my place at Burwood colliery on one occasion. My brother and I were placed on bread and water for seven days, and when we were released we had to apply to the chairman of the lodge for the restoration of our jobs. I admit that discipline was enforced in those days. The miners as a whole are willing to obey a majority decision, but should the number of those who present themselves for work be a few short of what the owner considers is needed, he says, “ There is not enough to work the mine to-day; blow the whistle, and send the mcn home “. Happenings of that nature are never published in the press. “When an honest attempt is made to observe discipline, that is the reward which the men receive. Honorable members opposite claim that they are interested in winning the war. I have invited them on numerous occasions to visit the coal-fields in order that they may gain at first hand a knowledge of the conditions, but so far only two of them have accepted the invitation. The honorable member for Balaclava (Mr. White) should understand that all mines have different characteristics. The Rothbury mine which he inspected is on an inclined seam, and that is vastly different from a flat seam.

The honorable member for Parramatta (Sir Frederick Stewart) attended in 1934 a conference that was held at Geneva, and upon his return to Australia produced a voluminous report on the extraction of oil from coal. He “ jumped on to the band wagon “ and beat the drum in order to convey the impression that something w’as to be done to raise the coal-mining industry from tile deplorable condition into which it had fallen. The late Mr. Lyons, then Prime Minister, visited Cessnock, and great expectations were aroused; but they were never fulfilled. For too long has the coal-mining industry been treated as a political football, with the result that the miners now distrust everybody. The honorable member for Parramatta made a number of addresses in 1934. With a view to affording him an opportunity to have effect given to the recommendations which he had made in his report, the adjournment of the House was moved, but the honorable gentleman was absent when the division was taken. That is a characteristic of the game of party politics, the principal consideration being the winning of votes. Honorable members who are now in opposition expect to score at the expense of the Government by reason of the unfortunate position which exists in the coal-mining industry to-day. I have before me a report, the correctness of which cannot be denied, because it has been checked and authoritatively endorsed. It states that, for a period of nine days from the 13 th January, the Abermain No. 1 colliery was idle because insufficient water was available to lay the dust. The management could have had the matter adjusted, and thus obviated a serious loss of coal production. Everybody knows the injurious effects of dust. Many of the men employed in the coal-mining industry had to cease work and receive compensation when they had reached the age of 40 years because their health had been undermined by dust. They will never work again, and their lives will be shortened. In such circumstances, is it wrong for the miners to ask that the owners shall supply sufficientwater to lay the dust, in order that they may. live longer? On the 10th March, there was heating in a section and danger was apprehended. For nine days from the 20th April, the mine was idle owing to leaks from a sealed-off area having been detected. It was proposed that the local check inspector should be provided with a safety lamp, in order that he might make tests throughout the day, but the necessary permission was refused ky the management. A safety lamp is an oil burner surrounded by thick, unbreakable glass and gauze, and is used to make tests with a view to determining whether or not dangerous gas is present. Gas has been responsible for many explosions in mines all oyer the world, and Australia has not been free from casualties from this cause. At Mulligan, in Queensland, the whole of the men in a mine were blown into eternity by an explosion, and there have been numerous explosions in New South Wales where many miners have been killed and entombed. The attitude of the miner is: “If I am to be killed, I should prefer to be killed by an explosion, because my widow and family will then be provided for by means of an Australia-wide subscription “.

Sitting suspended from 6 to 8 p.m.

Mr JAMES:

– Deaths through explosions in coal mines have occurred down the ages. The management should provide the local check inspector with a safety lamp in order to make tests periodically throughout the day for gas leakages. This request was refused at Abermain No. 2 mine, so there was no co-operation by the management in that matter. In the Burwood mine, which is one of the properties of the Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited, several days’ work was lost in December and January because of the refusal of the management to abolish the afternoon shift. Despite the fact that the management had reached an agreement with the union that, in the course of six months’ developmental work, that shift would be abolished, the undertaking was never given effect. In March a further period of five days was lost owing to the management attempting to alter a custom of the district, which extended back to a period long before I worked in the mines, with respect to the width of winning headings. That is narrow work, and in order to avoid payment for such work the management widened the headings. A period of four days was lost from the 15th August through faulty detonators. These are used for the blasting of coal, and, if they prove faulty, mis-shots result. Then the hole has to be rebored or another hole put in parallel with it. Frequently a detonator does not explode, or explodes prematurely, and many miners have been totally blinded as the result of accidents arising from this cause. The men asked for that matter to be rectified, but their request was ignored.

On the 3rd January a stoppageoccurred at Lambton B or Durham mine, and five days’ work was lost. On the 9th March a dispute arose owing to a staff man doing federation work. That action was deliberately provocative, as the union has always opposed action of that nature. The matter was adjusted at a compulsory conference by the local authority. It is unfortunate that the miners did not try to expose the mineowners ‘before the tribunal. Frequently, at the end of a fortnight, when they called for their pay, they found that a certain deduction had been made, and the management would say to the men, “ If you want this rectified, go to the local tribunal “. The miners contend that the management should be compelled to go to the local tribunal before altering their conditions of employment.

The mine manager always has the whip hand, because he pays the men.

At the Elrington mine many days were lost because the winding rope used in hauling the men up and down the shaft was defective. I believe this is the deepest mine now working. The men descend to a depth of about 1,000 feet, and the lives of twenty men depend on the sound condition of the hauling rope. When one strand of rope was found to be broken, attention was drawn to the defect. The management agreed with the government inspector that the rope was safe, but on the following day 17 more broken strands were found. I pay tribute to the Coal Commissioner, Mr. Mighell, with regard to this matter. Immediately it came to his notice he called in a rope expert. Certain recommendations were submitted for the purpose of making the rope safe, and the men resumed work. Why could not that have been done without reference to the Coal Commissioner ?

In the case of the stoppage of the Greta Extended mine, the management had not paid the men a fortnight’s wages and they lost four days while waiting to get their pay. Despite the fact that that mine is now closed down, and the owners have walked out, they still owe the miners for holiday pay. Two days were lost owing to the non-delivery of coal to the miners at the Hebburn No. 1 mine. That matter was adjusted by the local reference board. Several days were lost through extremely dusty conditions in pillars. This trouble could have been remedied by the -management and the mine need not have been idle. Why did not the company take water to the face to eliminate the dust, which is injurious to the lungs of the workers? As I remarked earlier in my speech, in referring to a dispute at another mine, many men go to early graves through inhaling the dust in the mines.

A period of eight days from the 6th January was lost at Hebburn No. 2 mineowing to the unfit condition of the horses. The air which percolates through the mine passes round the wholeface of the workings, and, if any of thehorses are affected with greasy heel, a most obnoxious odour arises. The pit. air is unhealthy enough without being vitiated by objectionable smells from horses afflicted with sores. The horses which work underground are not seen by inspectors of the Royal Society for Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. “No mine-owner has yet been prosecuted for working horses in an unfit condition, but some of the animals employed underground have sores on their shoulders as big as a man’s hand. The wheelers are on contract work the same as the minors. The company which owns the Hebburn No. 2 colliery is always talking about the war effort. Prior to the depression, it conveyed the miners from Hebburn No. 2 to Hebburn No. 1 by means of a train ; but, when the depression occurred, the train ceased running, and the miners were left to reach their work as best they could. Now a large fleet of omnibuses and motor cars conveys the men to work. This results in the use of a very large quantity of petrol and rubber, whereas the men could have been transported more economically and more comfortably by train. [Extension of time granted.]

At the John Darling mine, another colliery of Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited, faulty cables have frequently caused trouble. At mines that are mechanized and operated by electrical power, cables sometimes flash, and this is extremely dangerous where gas and dust are prevalent. It has been proved beyond doubt that many mine explosions have been caused through faulty electrical installations. The men made an application with regard to that matter for safety reasons, and twenty days were lost before the management attempted to rectify the position. The Liddell mine lost approximately 50 days’ work owing to the management refusing to get rid of the services of a renowned anti-unionist. “We know what that means to a body of men who have always taken a pride in their organization, but the management refused to dismiss this man. The Millfield Greta mine lost five days’ work owing to the refusal of the management to pay for certain considerations. When the matters were ventilated before the local reference board, they were adjusted.

The Pelaw Main mine was idle on the 25th May owing to the management deliberately altering a customary payment to wheelers which has- operated for about 25 years. After I interviewed the superintendent and others and induced them to go to a conference, the dispute was immediately settled. The superintendent refused at first, because he wanted to leave the matter to the management. That is one of the great troubles with the merger collieries. They have appointed superintendents over the managers, and some managers have told me that their status to-day is not greater than that of an office boy. At one time they could rectify -many of the grievances of the men on the job without a stoppage of work, but now they have no authority to settle even pettifogging grievances, which in my mining days even a deputy could have rectified. As the superintendents are now being placed over the heads of the managers, they think that they have to justify their existence.

The Pacific colliery has lost a total of nineteen days owing to the presence of unsafe conditions. The men were unable to work owing to the advice given by their safety officer. On the 12th July the mine was working, but not because of any merit on the part of the manager, who attempted to provoke a stoppage. There was a pressure where many thousands of tons of debris, including coal, had fallen and killed a man. and many hours elapsed before his body was recovered. The velocity of the fall blew out the stoppings, which were sealing off the old working areas, which were choked up with black-damp and gases. This gas came into the mine and there was extreme danger of it being ignited and the men blown to eternity. Finally, the Government inspector told the men to rebuild all stoppings. They refused to do that, and a loss of work resulted. The other instances of stoppages of work to which I desire to direct the attention of the House are as follow: -

Stanford Merthyr. - This mine was idle on the 20th January, due to the management insisting on other men doing a boring job when there was a borer cavilled out and available. This was a deliberate violation of a federation rule.

South Seaham. - This mine lost four days from the 8th February owing to the management refusing to make a payment that was proved to have been made for years in the case of wheelers performing’ the duty of trapper.

Stockrington No. 1 and Stockrington No. 2. - From the 10th to the 25th August, the mines were idle owing to the company deliberately flouting an award of the coal authority regarding contract work. At a conference which adjusted this matter on the 26th August, the company claimed that miners should throw back certain stone without payment, thus again endeavouring to get around the award, which definitely makes provision for this payment. This company has endeavoured to evade this award from its inception, and although the conference appeared to have all matters adjusted this pin-pricking policy was resumed.

Pelton. - The mine was idle on the 28th February in consequence of a matter mentioned at the lodge officials’’ meeting with the Attorney-General (Dr. Evatt), when the position was outlined by Mr. Jas. Connell, who stated that only reasonable co-operation by the management would have obviated the stoppage. The mine was idle from the 6th July for four days owing to unsafe conditions. Inspections were made and certain timbering methods were- agreed to by all parties. When the job commenced,” the management broke the agreement with the miners’ check inspector and the government inspector, and insisted on their own idea. After four days’ idleness the mine worked on the previous agreement. That was a case of deliberate provocation by the management. From the 28th July to the 22nd August - ten days - the mine was idle owing to the condition of the horses. The report of the inspector of the Royal Society for Prevention of Cruelty to Animals substantiated the union’s opinion that no co-operation was shown by the management, as this report stated that insufficient spare horses were available.

The following mines have lost days owing to unsatisfactory conditions in the bathrooms: - Hebburn No. 1, Northern Extended, Northern Highway, Pelton, Rhondda, and Stanford Merthyr.

Owing to the fact that 1ihe mine-owners have failed to adopt safety measures, 263 days of coal production have been lost. The Leader of the Opposition and the honorable member for Balaclava (Mr. White) advocated the introduction of a licensing system for coal-miners similar to that which applies to waterside workers. They would be prepared to let the man-power authorities take men off the street, and send them into mines. They do not seem to realize that coalminers must be trained men, and this applies particularly to clippers and wheelers. Coal-mining is dangerous work, and it is provided in the Coal Mines Regulation Act of New South Wales that men must have had two years’ experience before being allowed to get coal at the face. The Leader of the Opposition and the honorable member for Balaclava would introduce industrial conscription in the coal-mining industry. This admission on their part is amusing when we remember how they denounced the Government’s referendum proposals on the ground that, if agreed to, they would empower the Government to introduce industrial conscription. Now, they are themselves advocating industrial conscription. This should be a warning to coalminers, and industrial workers generally, of what may be in store for them if the pin-pricking tactics of the coal-owners should create such chaos in the industry that this Government is driven out of office.

I come now to Mr. Gregory Forster, the prompter of the honorable member for Wentworth (Mr. Harrison), who always waits until I have spoken, and then uses all the filthy material that Mr. Gregory Forster has compiled for him. Until he got his present job, Forster had never worked in the mines; he had been a broadcaster. When he applied for the job, he was asked what mines he had worked in, and he said that he had worked on the south coast. He was asked what kind of lamps they used there, and he said that he did not know, because he had always worked on day shift. That was all he knew about coal-mining. I am about to make certain charges against this man, and if honorable members opposite feel disposed to challenge them I invite them to move for the appointment of a select committee of Parliament to inquire into the matter. This man tried to “ body-snatch “ members of the old Northern Districts Coal Proprietors Association and induce them to join his new organization. He is also the man who was concerned in an incident which occurred in this House. There was a mysterious telephone message to a member of the Senate making an appointment with him. His vote would give the Government a majority in the Senate when legislation relating to the coalmining industry was before that chamber, and when he kept the appointment he was whisked away in a motor car. He was taken for a ride in the same way as the victims of Chicago gangsters are taken’ for a ride, the idea being that the Government should not have ia majority to pass its coal legislation. Who was the instigator of this plot? No less a person than Mr. Gregory Forster, with the assistance of an honorable senator who is still here. They used a car belonging to the coalowners association.

Mr Russell:

– Who owned the car?

Mr JAMES:

– It was owned by the secretary of the Southern and Western Coal Proprietors Association, Mr. McNally. Those are underground tactics. In fact, the tactics of the underworld are angelic by comparison. Had these people lived in Ned Kelly’s time, Ned’s mother would not have allowed her son to play with them. Members of the Opposition were obviously implicated in the plot because the mysterious message to the senator came from one of the Opposition rooms.

Mr Ward:

– Who sent the message?

Mr JAMES:

– I am not going to say. I do not want to say anything that I cannot substantiate. I cannot name the person for certain, although I have my suspicions.

It is true that a great deal of coal has been lost. I am never one-sided, and I admit that the people I represent are responsible for the considerable loss that has resulted for the simple reason that they do not use the facilities available to them to expose the tactics of the owners instead of holding up the mines. However, they have always believed that there was no chance of their grievances being listened to unless they stopped production. That was true once, but it has not been true since this Government set up tribunals to hear their complaints. Honorable members have asked why production has declined since 1942. It may be that I can claim some credit for the high production in that year, and I admit that I sometimes used

Ned Kelly’s tactics, too. I was working with the Minister for Labour and National Service (Mr. Ward) at the time, and I used to call compulsory conferences of the miners and the owners. I got away with it for a while, until the Attorney-General told me that only a judge of the Arbitration Court could call a compulsory conference. However, while it lasted, I presided over several of these conferences, which settled the disputes very amicably. [Further extension of time granted.] The Commonwealth has assumed a large measure of control over the coal-mining industry, but certain powers are still exercised by the State Government. Actually, three ‘Commonwealth Ministers, the Minister for Supply and Shipping (Mr. Beasley), the Minister for Labour and National Service (Mr. Holloway), and the Attorney-General (Dr. Evatt), have a finger in the business, and there is a State Minister responsible for safety provisions in all States. This division of control makes for friction. I suggest as one remedy that the industry be placed under the exclusive control of one Commonwealth Minister. Another improvement would be to introduce power boring machines, of which I know something, because my last job in the mines was using a power boring machine. I was boring for many years, and I know that wherever boring machines have been installed production has gone up. With the old hand machines it takes an hour to bore a hole, whereas a machine will bore 30 holes in that time.

The present high rates of income tax are directly responsible for a good deal of absenteeism in the coal-mining industry. Under the contract system, a man who works continuously earns enough in the fortnight to bring him into an income group for which the tax rate is very high, with the result that, for the last day or two of the fortnight, he is working practically for nobbing. In the circumstances, it is only natural for him to stay away on those days. I am informed that in the United States of America men are paid a tax-free bonus if they keep up maximum production over a period, and I suggest that something like that might well be done here.

Every effort to ensure that production is maintained has been made by the Prime Minister, the Minister for Supply and Shipping, the Attorney-General, and the Coal Commissioner, Mr. Mighell. When I make a mistake I am always prepared to apologize for it in the place where the mistake was made. I was at first critical of the appointment of Mr. Mighell, but I now freely admit that he has done everything possible to maintain production, not only under this Government, but also under the previous one. The act provides that the Coal Commissioner may, in certain circumstances, take over a mine, and run it in the interests of the country. There is a precedent for this, because during the last war the whole of the plant and equipment of the J. & A. Brown mines was taken over because of the trouble that had occurred in 1917. That was done, not under any special act, but by regulation. The J. &“A. Brown group of mines consists of ten mines in the richest and best coalproducing centre in the world. We are told that more coal from the Maitland fields is required, yet thousands of tons of coal are being lost because of disputes which, instead of being settled by the manager or the deputy manager, now have to be referred to a superintendent, with the result that, in some instances, as long as a week elapses before the matter is dealt with. The usual practice is for the superintendent to refer the dispute to a tribunal. The men have wished to retain something which they have enjoyed for many years. I do not look for credit for what I have done, but on many occasions I have had the thankless job of rising at 4 o’clock in the morning in order to address the men at the pit-top at 6.30 o’clock, frequently with the result that a threatened stoppage has been averted. Honorable members opposite should realize that a greater production of coal will not follow unfair criticism of the miners, or such threats against them as the honorable member for Balaclava (Mr. White) indulged in to-day. The honorable gentleman-, as well as his leader, would subject the miners to army discipline, but I tell them that that would not result in one additional ounce of coal being obtained. Indeed, such action would cause a strike not only among the miners but also on the part of the workers of Australia generally. The prospect of such an upheaval is not distasteful to honorable members opposite; it is what they would like to occur. They wish to see turmoil in industry, and are not concerned that it may endanger the country’s war effort. Honorable members opposite are concerned only with getting back to the treasury bench, and in order to achieve their objective they are prepared to adopt any tactics. This afternoon the Leader of the Opposition said that if disciplining the miners resulted in a three months’ stoppage of the mines, that was a possibility that would have to be faced. Fancy any public man suggesting action which may lead to a stoppage of work in the coal mines of this country at this critical period of our history ! The right honorable gentleman would delight to see a three months’ stoppage of work on the coal mines, and so would many of his followers. When we recall how Opposition members misled the electors during the recent referendum campaign by accusing the Government of wishing to introduce industrial conscription, and now themselves are advocating the same compulsory methods, even before the final figures for the referendum have been ascertained, we see how great is their inconsistency. The defeat of the referendum proposals means that governmentcontrolled mines will not be able to compete with private enterprise in the sale of coal after the war ends. Although the taking over of all the coal mines at inflated prices would present difficulties to the Government, mines whose owners deliberately adopt irritating and pin-pricking tactics should be taken over by the Government at any cost. That is the only way to obtain peace in those mines and I am confident that that action will have to be taken sooner or later. At a meeting of the board of management of the Northern District Branch of the Australian Coal and Shale Employees Federation, held on the 23rd August last, the following motion was carried : -

This meeting, fully appreciating the national crisis brought about through the lack of coal to maintain industry in this vital period, urges the federal Government to take governmental control of all mines in this district, and particularly and primarily the collieries owned by J. & A. Brown-Abermain-Seaham Coal Company.

The meeting also agreed -

That the recommendations of the Central and District Executives be adopted that, in the event of the Government taking over any or all of the mines in this district, it means that the Government will also control and discipline, if necessary, the membership of this organization employed -in such mines. We fully recognize, in adopting this recommendation, that it may lead to prosecution of our members, and also it may mean members taken out of the industry, as well as the officials of the management who may be the means of disrupting the industry.

Although I know that some of the trouble on the coal-fields is attributable to the stupid action of men having been misled by a few boys who will not obey majority decisions, I realize that much of the unrest is clue to political reasons. During the recent referendum campaign advocates of a “ No “ vote said that a government which could not control the miners was not worthy to be entrusted with more power. Probably the contributions of the coal owners to the defeat of the referendum were deliberately irritating tactics to cause coal losses. The mine-owners desire a change of government, as do honorable members opposite who supported the coal-owners during the lock-out of 1929-30. The miners wil.1 never forget those fifteen months in which they were locked out by the mine-owners, who had the support of such honorable members as the honorable member for Moreton (Mr. Francis) and Balaclava (Mr. White). Those honorable members remained silent when I, a raw recruit to this chamber, pleaded for justice for these men. The only member of the parties now in opposition who at that time was prepared to take up the case of the miners was the blind barrister, the then honorable member for Fawkner, Mr. Maxwell. As the result of his stand, the government of the day decided to prosecute Mr. John Brown. A summons was issued, but during the parliamentary recess it was withdrawn. Yet during the recent referendum campaign the present Government was charged with having withdrawn summonses against the miners. The greatest crime ever committed in Australia was that lock-out of the miners in defiance of an award of the Arbitration

Court, made under the authority of a law passed by this Parliament. Honorable members opposite charge the present Government with inactivity in regard to getting more coal, but I say to them that the Curtin Government has done more to get coal than did any of its predecessors. Various Ministers of the present Government have visited the coal-fields in an honest endeavour to increase coal production, and I also have done my best in the interests of the country, notwithstanding that it has meant a good many knocks. I invite honorable members opposite to visit the coal-fields with a view to increasing coal supplies. In doing so, I remind them that the miners are human beings, not barbarians. I remind them also that in the last war no section of the community had a better record for enlistments than had the coal-miners. During the present war coal-miners have been refused permission to enlist; that has caused dissatisfaction among many miners whose fathers fought in the last war. If honorable members opposite want contentment in this industry, I say to them that it can be secured only by the Government taking over some of the mines and also adopting the suggestions that I have made including the lifting of the reservation ‘ which now exists in regard to the enlistment of miners in the fighting services.

Mr SPEAKER:

– The honorable member has exhausted his further extension of time.

Mr HOLT:
Fawkner

.- At the outset, I draw attention to a speech delivered by the Prime Minister (Mr. Curtin) earlier in the year on the subject of coal supplies. In order to show how serious the position then was, the right honorable gentleman said that the measure of our war effort this year would be the volume of coal produced. The production of coal is a matter of fundamental importance not only to the civilian population but also to the country’s war effort. It is because the Opposition realizes the seriousness of the present situation ‘that it has taken the most significant action that any party in this House can take by way of criticism of the Government, namely, the moving of a motion of censure. The present action is in contrast to the attitude of the Opposition hitherto. Until now it has supported the Government in an endeavour to find some way to obtain more coal. In October, 1943, when the Prime Minister announced the policy of the Government in regard to coal supplies the Opposition withheld criticism in order that the Government’s programme should not be jeopardized. More recently, the Parliament had before it the Coal Production (“War-time) Bill, and if honorable members will road the report of the debate on that measure they will see that honorable members on this side offered a number of constructive suggestions to the Government. To-day, the Opposition is compelled to adopt a different attitude. No self-respecting political party could see what is happening in this country without voicing its criticism, and giving expression to the indignation of the people generally. What is the situation facing us? There is a threat of wholesale dislocation of industry, of widespread unemployment, of a lack of fuel and light for public and private consumers, of a considerable reduction of vital transport required for freight and personal travel, and for the normal recreations of the people. Moreover, housewives are harassed by the effects of inadequate supplies. That is the position confronting us after nearly three years of experimentation by the Government in the handling of the coal situation. Not only is the Opposition “ fed-up “ with the situation confronting us; other unionists also are in the same position. I believe that even the Labour caucus is “ fed-up “ with what is happening, and I am certain that that is the attitude of most members of the Cabinet including the Prime Minister. Cer tainly, the people of this country are “ fed-up “, and want to know who are the men who can cause widespread inconvenience, defy the Government, and hold the country to ransom. I point out that other equally powerful organizations, such as the Amalgamated Engineering Union, have set an example in the matter of continuity of employment. Conditions in some other industries are as abnormal as in the coalmining industry. We are told a good deal of the peculiar psychology of the coal-miners, but they are not alone in that respect; some honorable members in this chamber are similarly endowed. We hear also of ancient enmities in the coal-mining industry. We in this chamber have a similar heritage, but we had evidence last night that those differences can be set aside when the occasion warrants it. I point out to the honorable member for Hunter (Mr. James) and to the Prime Minister that, if there is any real foundation for this story of the psychology of the coal-miners and the abnormal life they live and the ancient enmities which create such bitterness, how is it that in the other coal-producing States, Victoria, Western Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, there is none of the difficulty we have in New South Wales. iSo we have to seek for other explanations than the hackneyed excuses trotted out on such occasions as this. To give the House a clearer picture of the record of performance of the coal-mining industry in New South Wales, I shall place before it facts additional to those already presented. I have two sets of figures prepared for me by the Commonwealth Statistician, which, with the consent of the House, I shall incorporate in Hansard -

To show that a handful of men has been able to hold up the community, I point out that, at the end of the March quarter this year - these are the latest figures available - there were employed in the coal-mining industry in New South “Wales 17,635 persons, whereas, on the same date, the number of persons employed in the whole Commonwealth was 2,118,100. The coal-miners in New South Wales represent less than 1 per cent, of our total industrial population. Since the beginning of the war, 2,233,248 working days have been lost on the coalfields of New ‘South Wales alone compared with 4,376,336 lost working days over the whole range of industry in the Commonwealth. Less than 1 per cent, of the working population of the Commonwealth has been responsible for more than 50 per cent, of the total of working days lost since .the outbreak of the war. The honorable member for Hunter mentioned a number of what he described as “ pin-pricking incidents “. The honorable member can give the House a false picture of the coal-mining industry, but he cannot answer the damning indictment of those figures.

Mr James:

– The honorable member has not said who is responsible.

Mr HOLT:

– I do know that there are coal-miners and coal-owners in the other

– I should like the Prime Minister to make them available to the House. I shall not take up the time of the House in a debate in which most honorable members desire to participate. In conclusion, I say that the full weight of the censure now being launched by the Opposition is not merely that which the Opposition can itself direct against the Government on this subject. The Prime Minister has to meet our charge not only in this House, but also at the bar of public opinion. He said to-day that a union which cannot discipline its members is destroyed. I have expressed my view that the union which is supposed to represent the coal miners has shown itself unable to discipline its members. The Prime Minister also said that the Government which cannot exercise discipline is also destroyed. The issue in this matter has been presented fairly, and I suggest that it is being so presented to this Government for the last time. On this occasion, the Prime Minister may avoid a political defeat in this House by calling upon his docile followers to support him on this matter; but he cannot call upon those members with the same success to face the same charges which the public is making against the Government; and should be fail in this matter again, he will have something more than a numerically weaker opposition to challenge him. He will have to face the full weight and vengeance of the judgment of the people at the first opportunity given to them to declare that judgment.

Dr EVATT:
Attorney-General and Minister for External Affairs · Barton · ALP

– A few points have been made, particularly by the honorable member for Fawkner (Mr. Holt), in respect of which it may be helpful at this juncture to place certain facts before honorable members. The honorable member for Fawkner cited certain figures in relation- to coal production, including the number of men employed in the industry; and I propose, like him, to ask leave of the House to incorporate in Hansard the figures I have available. They show in graph form the story of the production of the coal mines in New South Wales over a lengthy period.

Mr White:

– What is the source of the figures?

Dr EVATT:

– They are taken from the annual reports of the New South Wales Department of Mines, and are also taken from the New South Wales Industrial Gazette. I have no doubt as to their accuracy. I am not putting them forward as establishing the case for the Government, but because they bear out statements made earlier by the Prime Minister (Mr. Curtin), and my colleague the Minister for Supply and Shipping (Mr. Beasley). These figures show that the peak production year was 1942, which, as the Minister for Supply and Shipping pointed out, was also the year of greatest peril for Australia. Incidentally, it was the first full year of office of this Government. Admittedly, one must look at all circumstances; but, taken together, last year and the two preceding years are the three years of maximum production in the history of the coal-mining industry in New South Wales. That fact must be carefully weighed, because that has not been the position in Great Britain. The figures show that, compared with pre-war production, war-time production in Great Britain has diminished. However, I shall deal with that aspect of the matter later. Perhaps, too much can be made of .figures ; but this graph shows that production was at its lowest point in 1931, that it rose fairly steadily until 1937, and dropped in 1938. In 1939 production exceeded 11,000,000 tons but declined sharply in 1940 to 9,500,000 tons. In the following year, production rose to nearly 12,000,000 tons.

Mr Abbott:

– Was the right honorable member for Darling Downs responsible for most of that output?

Dr EVATT:

– I suppose that some credit must be given to that right honorable gentleman, at any rate for his three or four weeks of office. Output reached its peak in 1942, then declined in 1943, and unless the situation changes rapidly during the remainder of this year, there will be a further decline. The other graph deals with a matter which ought to be taken into consideration. .In 1938, the Arbitration Court made an award which gradually reduced working days from 275 to 250 per annum. I ask leave to incorporate the two graphs in Hansard. [Leave granted.”]

The honorable member for Fawkner attributed this crisis in the coal-mining industry to three fundamental causes.

New South Wales Government would not do anything to bring it within the jurisdiction of the State court. The result was sheer anarchy. There was no law covering it except the old law of the jungle. The men were locked out, and had to yield. Many of the men now in the industry are the sons of those men. I mention that simply to illustrate the legacy of bitterness and hatred that still exists. While I was acting for my colleague, and during visits to the coalfields, I saw something of the conditions in which the men work. I tried to get the point of view of the employers as well as that of the men. There is a gap still fixed, and nine-tenths of the trouble in the industry is due to it. Another dangerous factor is that ever since the outbreak of the war the industry has been protected and the men in it who wanted to enlist were not allowed to do so. This tended to separate the coal-miners from those in other industries, until a situation has been reached in which unionists in other occupations realize that their livelihood is threatened by the coal-miners, and by the condition of affairs in the coal-mining industry.

– £2 or £3. There are great difficulties in mass prosecutions. If 100 men are absent from work, and if each absentee on a given day is prosecuted, there are three stages in the process. The first is the issue of the summons, the next is the hearing of the plaint, and the third is the enforcement of the penalty. Mass prosecutions must include men who were against the stoppage, and, perhaps, even actively opposed it. According to the investigation officers, one result is to make the men who favoured continuous production and tried to prevent the stoppage objects of derision by those who favoured it. There is also always the risk of men in other mines making common cause when it is found that a particular stoppage involves some fundamental principle. The conclusion to which I came was that a mere mass prosecution of everybody absent from a mine, when there has been a pittop meeting and a decision to stop work, leads to grave injustices, even to the accentuation of the very evils that one wishes to prevent. The second obstacle, which also shows the problems of this industry, is that when a selected number of individuals are prosecuted it is not possible, to be sure that they and they alone are responsible for the stoppage. Obviously, that would bc the method that should be adopted. Yet that is almost impossible. The investigation officers state in this report that the ordinary sources of information, as to who is responsible are difficult to tap.

Of whom do they consist? First, the management. In the nature of things they are not represented at pit-top meetings. They only know the matter from hearsay. The second source is the investigation officers themselves. They can only reach the mine after the stoppage has occurred, and their difficulties in getting information can be easily imagined. Who is going to inform upon the men in an industry or union of which the chief, and in some respects the most admirable, characteristic is their solidarity and their loyalty to each other? It is, therefore, reported as follows : -

The miners exhibit such solidarity that it is impossible to expect information to be given to investigation officers involving the possibility of prosecutions against their fellow workers.

Because of these difficulties that method of prosecution did not appear to meet with success, and the proposal of the miners’ federation to the Government - which brings us back to the first point, the organization of this union - was that the union itself should assume the obligation of enforcing discipline by fining its members. Obviously, if that can be made a success, it is the best solution. The federation offered to do it, and the Government accepted the offer. My colleague, the honorable member for Hunter (Mr. James), has obtained certain figures from the union.

Mr Abbott:

– Does not the union make any official return to the Government of the fines it imposes? When the right honorable member was Acting Minister for Supply and Shipping, did he not receive any return?

Dr EVATT:

– I do not know whether we were furnished with returns, but no doubt they could be obtained. The figures supplied to me by the honorable member for Hunter show that since March, a period of six months, the federation has imposed and collected fines amounting to £2,296.

Mr Spender:

– Where does the money go?

Dr EVATT:

– The honorable member raises another difficulty. These are fines imposed by a district upon a lodge, which in turn has to collect them from the individuals responsible. I admit quite frankly that there is another difficulty. Let the House indicate a solution. I say that mass prosecutions hit the just as well as the unjust - those who try to prevent stoppages as well as those who cause them. Secondly, the prosecution of selected’ individuals is a practical impossibility for the reasons I have given, including the difficulty of being sure who is responsible. We are therefore to a large extent thrown back upon the union’s discipline of its own members. An instance occurred recently of a stoppage at, I think, the Richmond

– It is quite obvious that if the federation fines its members, and the fines are collected by the lodges and passed on to the district organizations, there is no benefit to general revenue. In one form or another, the miners’ federation itself receives the money. However, such disciplinary action will be felt by the individuals who have to pay.

– Not all young men by any means. When a man in the coal-mining industry passes 35 years of age he is no longer a young man. It is true that in many cases youths are responsible for stoppages, but I am now speaking of the readiness with which some of the older men are content to accept the decision of a pit top meeting not to work on a particular day. I do not wish to suggest that this is the sole cause of stoppages ; but it is a factor which must be considered. It is a factor which is in evidence in the coal-mining industry in Great Britain, and to a lesser degree in the United States of America, because the burden of war has not fallen so heavily upon the coal-miners in that country as it has upon their colleagues in Great Britain and Australia. That is why I say that the Prime Minister hit upon a vital aspect of this problem when he referred to the possibility of introducing a pensions scheme for miners - something to give them hope and better prospects in the post-war world. To-day the miners are saying to themselves, “ What we do in time of war is important, but what about the years of the depression when our work was regarded as of no importance at all? “ One reads frequently press articles stating that when the war is over the present output of coal will not be required ; that the demand will fall immediately by 2,000,000 or 3,000,000 tons a year. Such statements cause the coal-miner great anxiety about the future. The problem is one for which a positive solution is demanded. Mere criticism of the Government is not enough. As my colleague the Minister for Supply and

Shipping has said, it has been a daybyday struggle to keep this industry in production. It has been kept going by the Commonwealth Government through very many crises of the war. This country has passed through periods of grave emergency, and the tragedy is that at a time when victory appears to be in sight, and we should be rejoicing at our successes in all theatres of war, this obstacle to our war effort rises once again. The blame cannot be laid at the door of one group alone.

Mr Archie Cameron:

– The anxieties of which the right honorable gentleman has spoken are not confined to the coalmining industry. They are shared by workers in all industries.

Dr EVATT:

– That is so, but I venture to say that in many respects absenteeism in the coal-mining industry does not compare unfavorably with absenteeism in other industries ; but whereas in other industries the trouble may show itself in the form of individual absenteeism, in the coal-mining industry, it is shown by a pit stoppage for the day. The cause in both cases may be the same - disinclination to produce because of many factors common to all industries including prolonged fatigue.

Mr Archie Cameron:

– I should like the right honorable gentleman to produce figures in support of his statement about absenteeism in other industries.

Dr EVATT:

– That conclusion is based upon the weekly reports from all industries which are made available to us. The sadness of the situation to-day is that this Government after intense concentration upon the task of maintaining the war effort of this country, and after having achieved outstanding success in that task, should be confronted at this time with a censure motion - not a mere formal motion for the adjournment of the House - condemning it because of this one disfigurement. After all, a great deal remains to be done in the war effort, and I am sure that honorable members opposite in all fairness will agree that this is a matter which should be examined fairly and impartially. I do not claim that mistakes have not been made, but I do say that our record in regard to coal production is as good as or better than that of any administration which preceded us. I claim also credit for an earnest endeavour to secure maximum production. In this industry there has been no conscious appeasement in the evil sense of the word. The illustration given by the Leader of the Opposition in his speech was intended, I suppose, to provoke my interjection. The right honorable gentleman said that, in the committee stages of the Coal Production (War-time) Bill I stated my views - and I believe that they were sound - in relation to the bearing of the bill on the economic regulations. He then referred to argument of counsel for the Commonwealth beforthe High Court which, he saia, was contrary to the view that I expressed when the Coal Production (War-time) Bill was before the House. If that is the only evidence of appeasement the Leader of the Opposition can produce, it is not worth a straw. I have not given instructions of any kind contrary to the views that I have expressed in this House, which views were upheld by the judgment of the Court to which I have referred. The miners’ federation lost the case and my opinion was confirmed. [Further extension of time granted.]

I shall refer to one other matter, rationing and coupons, of which I was reminded by the remarks of the honorable member for Balaclava. The honorable gentleman must be well aware that rationing is essential in this country in a time of war, yet, in recent weeks and months, the press of Australia has been flooded with advertisements which amount j in effect, to a strong attack on the whole rationing system.

Mr White:

– We do not support that.

Dr EVATT:

– I have not said that honorable gentlemen opposite supported it, but it is a fact that this attack is being made. I hold in my hand a big newspaper advertisement which carries the expression “ Queue happy “ and refers to “ coupon-worried housewives “. Many such advertisements have been published and their publication can do nothing but spread discontent among the people generally. This campaign is being waged continuously.

Mr White:

– We suffer very little from rationing compared with the people of Great Britain.

Dr EVATT:

– I agree. But such advertisements suggest that the people should not tolerate rationing.

I regret having spoken on this difficult matter at length. But I considered it necessary to state certain aspects of the problem which appear to me to be of great importance. No case whatever has been made out for censuring the Government for its actions in connexion with the coal-mining industry, and I am confident that the House will decisively reject the motion.

Mr SPENDER:
Warringah

.- This motion involves two important points; first, whether additional coal can be obtained by proper government administration, and, secondly, whether the law is being enforced in Australia in respect of the coal-mining industry or whether that industry is controlling the country. There is no point at all, it seems to me, in referring to what has taken place in Great Britain in relation to production, absenteeism, or other aspects of the British coal-mining industry or to what has been done by previous governments in Australia in relation to the industry since 1929. We are concerned with what is taking place in 1944. A vital question is whether the rule of law in Australia is being defied by the coal-miners. I ask whether more coal can be won than is being won, and, also, and more importantly, whether the Government of this country is being surrendered to 17,000 coal-miners in New South Wales. Those are the real matters for consideration. I do not suggest that the problems of the coal-mining industry are of easy solution; in fact, I am prepared to admit that they involve very great difficulties. But the time has been reached in Australia when the Government should grasp these problems firmly or surrender its office.

For some time past, in fact since the commencement of the war, the coalminers have followed their own bent. They have been engaged, in a series of lawless acts and have defied the rule of law which is the foundation upon which society must rest. They have defied the

Parliament, the Prime Minister, and their own elected leaders. The questions therefore arise: What shall be done? What has been done? Has the Government done anything at all to arrest this drift to lawlessness?

The problems of the coal-mining industry have their roots deep in the past. It is true that the coalminers, living together in separate communities, have brought to this country the bitterness of the disputes over coal-mining which had their beginning in the old world. It is true, also, that a long-range settlement of these difficulties cannot be proposed in simple terms. No Government should be censured merely because it has not solved the problems of the industry, but, in a time of war, 17,000 men should not be permitted to disregard the interests of the whole nation. They should not be allowed to go their own way irrespective of the result of their actions on the country as a whole. The question that concerns me most of all, and therefore I come back to it again, is whether the rule of law is being enforced, and, if it is not being enforced, who is responsible for the failure.

No one can deny that this Government has jumped from expedient to expedient in attempting to deal with this industry. One statement has been made one day and a different statement has been made the next day. Again and again we have been promised strong action and again and again pious hopes have been expressed that the situation will improve. As one formula has failed, another has been proposed ; but all of them have proved to be utterly futile. The latest effort on the part of the Government to deal with the situation was the introduction of the Coal Production (War-time) Bill in March of this year. When that measure came before the House I ventured the opinion that it was nothing more than a facesaving device, and that it contained no substantial power that was- not already provided in regulations that had been promulgated some time before. The Government already had ample power to control the coal-mining industry, but it had failed to obtain the coal that the country so desperately needs. It is still failing to do so. The miners had defied the law. The Government had prosecuted certain individuals and then withdrawn the prosecutions or remitted fines on certain men found guilty of offences. Always, enforcement of the penalty has been postponed. When the Government found itself in difficulty, it brought down in this House the Coal Production (Wartime) Bill, which was no more than a recapitulation of existing regulations.

During the debate on that measure I drew attention to a provision which has been one of the causes of the failure of the Government to increase production. It will be remembered that, following sections which conferred upon the Coal Commissioner the most absolute power to obtain production of more coal, section 20 made the whole of those powers subject to any direction by the Minister on matters of policy. I said, at that time that that would prove to be a fatal limitation. The bill, as presented, had no such limitation, but the ministerial caucus met and directed that it should be amended in that form. Subsequent events have proved that the basis of the alteration was the intention that the Coal Commissioner should be controlled from time to time in relation to any matter with respect to which pressure could be applied to the Government by the coal-miners. I am not reflecting on the Minister. Every Minister must finally give directions in accordance with Cabinet decisions, and in the present Administration the Cabinet reflects the composite view of the caucus, which is subject to pressure by this powerful union. So the hands of the Coal Commissioner, in matters of policy, have been tied. It is impossible to say where policy begins and ends. Therefore, it has been open to the Government to place limitations upon the control exercised by the Coal Commissioner, and we know that from time to time it has done so.

The first step that is needed in order to get more coal is to give to the Coal Commissioner . complete power to deal with the industry, unhampered, by any limitation in relation to matters with respect to which he can now be directed by the Minister, and, having given him that power, stand by him so long as he discharges his duties competently. ‘Certain honorable members on this side of the House supported the amendment which made the powers of the Commissioner subject to the direction of the Minister, on the ground that what was proposed was a delegation to the Coal Commissioner of the functions of responsible government. I could not then agree with that argument, and I have not since been convinced of its soundness. The Coal Commissioner was being called upon to exercise quasi-judicial functions between the employees and the employers. I should have thought that, in time of war, primarily one person should be charged with that responsibility. I believe that, if the Coal Commissioner had the authority to exercise the plenary power proposed to be conferred on him under this act, more coal would be produced. So long as the miners know that they can exert political pressure on .the Government by virtue of section 20, there will not be discipline in the industry. The limitation imposed by the words “shall be subject to any directions of the Minister as to matters of policy “ should be removed from that section.

It is sometimes argued that nationalization would provide the solution of the problems of the coal-mining industry. At the present moment, the Government has the most complete powers to deal with all matters ; these could not be more complete were the fee-simple of the mines vested in the ‘Commonwealth. The terms and conditions of employment, the rates of pay, and the customs in the industry - all are determined exactly as they would be if the Commonwealth owned the mines. No man can be compelled to act or work contrary to an established custom, or to perform work which previously he had not performed. The Government, by virtue of the Coal Production (War-time) Act, occupies exactly the same position in respect of every phase of the duties and remuneration of the employees and the operations of miners as it would occupy if the mines were nationalized. Thus there can be no merit in that argument. But I am inclined to the belief that if the mines were removed from the control of the present owners and were vested in the Commonwealth, full advantage would be taken of that fact by the employees and the production would be less than it is under the existing system. The mines could not be nationalized unless the States in which the coal is produced agreed to that course being taken. Assuming that they were nationalized, more coal would be obtained only by the imposition on the coal-miners of the most rigid system of regimentation. “We are considering what would not be confined to a time of war, but would also spill into the ensuing period of peace; therefore, the most rigid regimentation would have to be continued right into that period. Then, too, it must be realized that nationalization has the habit of growing. Once the mines had been nationalized, other utilities also would have to be nationalized; and not one of them could be conducted efficiently by the Government without the most rigid regimentation of the workmen employed in them. “We should then have socialization, which to maintain it must be accompanied and supported by regimentation. This would be a denial of democracy and our democratic way of life. Upon both grounds, expressed simply and shortly, nationalization is not the solution of the problem.

It would not be fitting for honorable members who sit on this side of the chamber merely to criticize the Government on the ground that it had failed to do this or that. Therefore, I shall state the steps which I consider ought to he taken by the Government to deal with the problem. As I have remarked in .respect of section 20 of the Coal Production (“War-time) Act all the provisions which enable political control to be exercised over the Coal Commissioner, should be removed from the act. That could be done quite simply by vesting in the Coal Commissioner plenary unrestricted power to exercise the functions delegated to him by the act. Secondly, the mechanization of coal production and the development of the open-cut method must be increased as rapidly as possible if production is to be increased, particularly in the period that is immediately ahead. I believe that the Government has given some consideration to that matter. Thirdly, income tax must be lightened in order to induce .further production. This involves the profit motive, which is so strongly condemned by honorable members opposite. It is obvious to those who know anything about the industry that one of the prime causes of absenteeism is that men reach the stage at which their earnings are not sufficient to induce them to work further. That is characteristic of a large number of industries. I have made inquiries of personnel officers in big factories, and have been told that the men reach the stage at which earning more is not worth the trouble; consequently, they will not earn more. Therefore, they must be induced by the profit motive to do so. This would mean a revision of the scales of taxation so as to give a higher return to the men who are working in the industry.

Mr Francis:

– And in every other industry.

Mr SPENDER:

– Certainly. I am not prepared to give special treatment to this section of the community as a class, especially having regard to the way in which they have defied the law of the country during a period of war; but I believe that what is desired would be achieved in part if all workers and other taxpayers engaged in production were given a better profit incentive. That could be accomplished by a reduction of the income tax rates, and could be compensated for, if the Government would undertake the task, by eliminating extravagance in respect of practically every item of governmental expenditure over which this Parliament has, indeed, lost complete control for a considerable time. The loss of revenue that would be suffered by reducing the income tax rates, so as to give a proper incentive to the coal-miners and other workers, could be more than compensated for by a proper surveillance of the expenditure.

My next point is that those who disobey the law must be punished in accordance with the law. They must be treated in exactly the same way as every other citizen who disobeys the law. As a lawyer, I believe, fundamentally, in the rule of law, and it should be applied to every person in the community. I see no reason why we should extend special treatment to the 17,000 men in the coalmining industry, who have held this country to ransom and have engaged in a special technique for a long period.

They realize that their greatest bargain^ ing power would be the reduction of the coal stocks of this country to the lowest possible ebb. They know that if there were a stoppage of work on the coalfields for a correspondingly short period, the supplies would be quickly exhausted., with disastrous effects on the national economy. Knowing that, the coalminers have, throughout the years and particularly during the last five years, kept the reserves of stock at perilously low levels and defied governments. Therefore, irrespective of ‘ the consequences, the law must be applied against them. The stage is eventually reached when the nettle must be grasped, firmly, regardless of the consequences, I believe that that time has long since arrived. If we surrender further to these people, and if they believe that Ministers will always be ready to defend them and magnify their unquestioned difficulties, believing that their action will be white-washed by the Government, and that they can defy the law with impunity, there will be no hope of full production on the coal-fields. If these men disobey the law they must be prosecuted, even if it results in mass prosecutions. If this should result in a general stoppage of work on the coalfields, J agree with the Leader of the Opposition that that should not prevent the enforcement of the la,w. Hundreds of thousands of decent workmen through, out this country who have laboured for Iona; hours in support of the war effort would not support the coal-miners. I believe that they would stand condemned before the bar of trade union opinion as well as public opinion, I disagree with the AttorneyGeneral that this matter is properly left to the miners’ federation, which enforces the fines, collects them, and puts them into its own pocket. It is most extraordinary that power should be delegated to the miners’ federation to discipline its members, and, in the process of doing that, pay the fines collected into its own funds- The miners’ federation is permitted to profit out of breaches of the law, and money collected from the recalcitrant coal-miners is .paid over to the federation, which uses funds in their interests. If the law means anything, it should be enforced on behalf of the

Commonwealth, and the penalties should be imposed and collected on behalf of the Commonwealth.

My final point is that the malcontents, who have been proved to have repeatedly disobeyed the law and to have stirred up agitation in the mines, must be directed to other ‘forms of labour.

Mr Calwell:

– Even though the mineowners objected?

Mr SPENDER:

– It is not for the mine-owners, any more than the coalminers, to say how the affairs of thi? country shall be conducted, proper though it is that they should be consulted. The. only effective way to deal with proved recalcitrants is to man: power them put of the mines, and I believe that that could be done. If action on. those lines resulted in mass strikes, then the ‘Government should, after appropriate warning, freeze union funds and deprive the coal-miners pf their ability to any benefit a.s the result pf their own defiance of the law. Should this fail, then unless within a pertain time’ specified by the Government, the coal-miners returned to work, and submitted to the rule pf law, consideration should be given to provide that those responsible for the decision to defy the Government should suffer the forfeiture pf their suffrage at the next Commonwealth elections- That, I agree, would be a drastic penalty, but extreme measures are needed to meet extreme emergencies, I cannot conceive pf any justification for retention of his suffrage by a nian who, after repeated offences by him, and after Government warnings, defies the law and is responsible for stirring /up strife when the country is at war. Unless penalties are imposed sufficient to prevent a recurrence “of these events they .are not worth-while. The federation collected over £2,000 in fines, but the conditions became worse than previouslyThe penalty imposed must fit the infringement of the law in respect pf which it is imposed, Disobeyance by these malcontents of the Government’s edict in accordance with the law is a most flag-rant defiance of the law, and that can only be arrested by the course that I have suggested. If all these things fail, nonfederation labour must be introduced in order to obtain the necessary production of coal. If the coal-miners go out in a mass strike the Government cannot sit still ; it must seek to get coal by nonfederation labour. I advance these views only with great reluctance, but throughout the war we have seen this small body of men defy the law, and they are allowed to get .away with it. Only the most drastic method of dealing with them will prove effective.

Mr MORGAN:
Reid

.- Honorable members are greatly concerned at the situation which has arisen owing to the reduced production of coal, and fully realize the possible repercussions upon the economic life of Australia. Consideration must also be given to the further commitments which will be placed on this country in the near future, because of circumstances well known to most of us. It is necessary to consider the effect of the coal position on the fighting services and the war effort generally, as well as on Australian prisoners of war in Malaya and Japan. It would be a pity if the country’s war effort were to be hampered by’ a continued decline of coal production, and the victory, which is now in sight, thereby delayed. However, I do not think that it behoves the Opposition to lecture the Government on its handling of the coal situation. I am sure that the Government would welcome constructive criticism from any source, even the Opposition, but no member of the Opposition has yet made a single constructive contribution to the debate. The speech of the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Menzies) was completely devoid of any constructive element. He plumbed the depths of desperation when he said that the Government should face a three months’ hold-up on the coal-fields if that were necessary in order to solve the problem. Such a suggestion represents the very essence of defeatism. Does he suggest that we should ask the enemy to hold up the war for three months while the country is plunged into industrial strife, perhaps civil war and bloodshed ? The suggestion reveals what was in the minds of members of the Opposition when this censure motion was moved. So far as they are concerned, anything goes if it is likely to bring about the downfall of the Government. The Leader of the Opposition is the last one who should talk of appeasement. He has proved himself to be a master of the art. I do not want to dwell upon his efforts to appease a nation with which we are now at death grips, and I content myself with reminding honorable members that it was he who, as Prime Minister, visited the coal-fields and pleaded with the miners to preserve industrial peace. We know what the record of the mine-owners wa3 during the last war. I remember an agent of the owners saying gloatingly that the group of mines which he represented at the outbreak of the war had contracts to supply the Railways Department, the Sydney City Council and certain instrumentalities with coal at 25s. a ton, but when the war broke out they took advantage of a clause in the contract to annul the agreement, after which they raised the price to £2 a ton. They exploited the situation created by the last war, just as they are prepared to exploit the present situation. When the last war ended, and the mine-owners were faced with overseas competition, they made a frantic effort to keep up their profits by breaking down wages and working conditions. We remember how, during the depression, they locked the coal-miners out for fifteen months. The coal-miners remember these things, too, and that is why they are suspicious. They do not want to be caught again. The honorable member for Hunter (Mr. James) “let the cat out of the bag” when he quoted the circular letter from Mr. Gregory Forster. Propaganda of that sort has been a contributing factor to the disturbances on the coal-fields. We never read anything in the newspapers in favour of the coal-miners. The honorable member for New England (Mr. Abbott) has lent himself to that kind of propaganda. Some little while ago, he caused a disturbance at a mine at Muswellbrook in which there had been industrial peace for eighteen years. He went down the mine for half an hour and afterwards he tried to convince people that mining was not an arduous occupation. Even the manager of the mine expressed his resentment against the honorable member for making such a statement. Members of the Opposition have nothing to suggest but that the Government should use strong-arm methods against the miners. Such an attitude is typical also of the representatives of the mineowners, who, from time to time, publish their suggested solution of the problems associated with the industry. I quote the following anonymous article, which was published in the Sydney Daily Telegraph of Wednesday of this week: -

HOW TO PERSUADE MORE COAL FROM THE MINERS.

Only Government toughness can get more coal now.

If the Government still doesn’t know how to be tough, here’s a plan -

By a Contributor.

If, for instance, under Government edict:

All main coal-fields were immediately placed under martial law and cordoned off; soldiers called in to control these areas with rigid discipline.

No one, apart from Army personnel, permitted to enter or leave these military zones.

A rigid curfew imposed.

All entertainments, sports meetings and hotels closed.

All supplies of beer, tobacco and petrol to these military areas prohibited.

Only essential foods provided for the miners.

Miners’ families temporarily withdrawn and housed in barracks elsewhere.

The Miners Federation declared illegal.

All union funds confiscated and strike pay prohibited.

Miners’ right to vote abolished.

Miners who refused to work after military law had been declared on the coal-fields could be either put into jail to do hard labour, or drafted into the C.C.C. or a special disciplinary corps to work in a remote part of the country where there are no amenities.

That is the kind of solution which has been suggested by representatives of the coal-owners. One can understand why the author of that article chose to remain anonymous because of the Fascist nature of the proposal. Obviously, the internecine warfare now taking place in the coal industry will react on the miners and on the community generally. After the last war much of the coal trade of this country was lost because of the conditions which then prevailed, and a similar state of affairs is likely to happen after the present war, as other countries are looking for an expansion of trade when hostilities cease. Only yesterday the following report appeared in the Sydney Sun: -

SOUTH AFRICA’S BIG COAL MARKETS.

Johannesburg, Wednesday. - The Prime Minister of South Africa (Field-Marshal Smuts) in a speech at a supplies conference, said that South Africa in the second stage of the war - after the surrender of Germany - would supply coal and cement and carry out ship repairs for the Allies. South Africa, last year, he said, exported 400,000 tons of coal a month and the new programme would make South Africa about the greatest coal exporter in the world.

Reports of that nature should be a warning to the coal-miners not to jeopardize their future interests by causing disputes or indulging in internecine warfare. Interstate trade, as well as international trade, may be lost through disputes. That the danger exists is clear from the action of other States in making greater use of brown coal and developing their deposits by open-cut methods. In considering how to deal with the problems confronting us a constructive approach to the subject is necessary. Strong-arm methods will not get us anywhere. Under legislation passed earlier this year the Government has power to deal with disputes in the coal-mining industry and of matters relating to production. As the coal-owners and the miners’ federation have failed to deal effectively with the situation, the only alternative is for the Government to take control. That was made clear recently by Mr. Willis, the CentralCoal Authority, who has been actively associated with coal-mining all his working life. Recently, Mr. Willis is reported to have said - “ All persons, whether employers or employees, who are consciously or unconsciously doing the work of fifth columnists should be removed from the coal industry “, said Central Coal Authority A. C. Willis yesterday.

He added he was convinced that trouble was caused by a small section of persons in, or connected with, the industry.

Mr. Willis emphasized that until steps had been taken to produce sufficient coal to relieve the grave shortage, he did not intend to proceed with the miners’ federation application for a new award.

It is to be hoped that the Government will take all necessary steps to control the industry. Unless the situation is improved immediately, widespread suffering and hardship will be imposed upon the community as a whole, and on the working class in particular.

While the imperative need is production of coal, 1 am fully satisfied that the whole industry will have to be thoroughly overhauled and reconstructed before a permanent basis of peace is achieved.

For the moment, however, I would earnestly appeal to elements within the miners federation who are continually refusing to obey their organization to consider seriously whether it is in their own interests to continue their present conduct. I think it is safe to say that their future well-being will depend upon their conduct to-day.

That is a clear statement by one who, probably, knows more of the coal-mining industry than does any other person in Australia. Disciplinary measures will be of little use unless the co-operation of the miners is obtained. Mass prosecutions will not get us very far, because, under that system, innocent men may be proceeded against with the result that men who have legitimate reasons for absenting themselves from the mines will become embittered. For an innocent man to be branded a law-breaker will not help the situation. Those tactics were adopted in the past in the South Coast District of New SouthWales, but their futility was soon demonstrated. Many miners chose to go to gaol rather than pay the fines. Hundreds of miners lined up preparatory to marching to the gaol, and the result was that the owners appealed for their release. That practice was abandoned at the request of the coal-owners. It is well known to those who have knowledge of the coal-mining industry that 90 per cent of the miners are loyal, decent, law-abiding citizens. That was admitted to-day by the Attorney-General (Dr. Evatt) and the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Menzies). That being so, there is something wrong when the community cannot get the best out of such a body of men.

Mr Abbott:

– : What does the honorable member suggest?

Mr MORGAN:

– Much of the criticism of the coal-miners is wrongly based, and tends to irritate them. The kind of propaganda that is being indulged in, such as certain advertisements by manufacturers, is having an unsettling effect on the community generally. Such propaganda compares unfavorably with the attitude adopted by other countries, particularly the United States of America, where more attention is paid to the importance of morale on production. In those countries, various incentives are offered in order to get the best results, whereas in Australia the tendency is in the opposite direction. The honorable member for Balaclava (Mr. White) referred to how Russia would deal with absenteeism. One would think from his remarks that the only thing that Russia does is indulge in strong-arm methods. There is a good deal of misconception about Russian methods. Appropriately enough, I noticed an article on this point in the Sydney Daily Telegraph of the 22nd August, which shows that the Communists have appropriate methods to get the best out of the worst elements in the community. The article reads as follows : -

page 462

LUXURY CURE FOR LOAFING

(From Harrison Forman.)

Yennan, Monday

People who refuse to work in the Communist regions of north-western China are forced to wear a big white badge inscribed “Er Lu TZe” (“Loafer”).

When the Communists took over one region in 1930 there were 70,000 loafers.

By propaganda methods, this number has been” reduced to 3,967.

These die-hard loafers resisted all pressure to make them reform.

Apart from wearing the white badges, they were peered at, hooted, and humiliated by the people who tried to shame them into reform.

At a recent convention for Labour Heroes, the Government invited five selected loafers to attend the ceremony.

The loafers were received with identical courtesies with the Labour Heroes and were loudly applauded as they were ushered to the platform and seated with the honoured guests.

Wine, cakes, and sweetmeats were served to them, and they were invited to participate in all the discussions.

At the end of the convention, the five loafers announced their determination to reform.

Later they addressed a convention of63 loafers of the Yennan district. The 63loafers then declared they would mend their ways.

The honorable member for New England (Mr. Abbott), who appears anxious to say what he would do about the coalmining industry ought to go to Newcastle and extend to the coal-miners a friendly hand to indicate that their efforts are appreciated. The criticism of the coalminers would lead one to think that they are the only section of the community in which there has not been a 100 per cent, war effort. I defy the honorable member for New England, who has been around the industries, to point to any industrywhich has worked to 100 per cent, capacity.

Mr MORGAN:

– Production in that industry has fallen considerably in the last year or so.

Mr Abbott:

– Because it has not the necessaryman-power and cannot get any.

Mr SPEAKER:

– Order ! The dairying industry is not under discussion.

Mr MORGAN:

– There is always some excuse. Absenteeism applies to the professions as well as to industry. On any day of the week one could go to bowling greens and golf courses and find there many (professional men who are too ready to criticize the coal-miners. At the same time, I do think that the matter could he handled much better. There shouldbe use of propaganda to build up the morale of the men engaged in the coal-mining industry in order to get the best possible results from them. I am glad that the Minister for Information (Mr. Calwell) is in the House because, although the activities of the Department of Information are restricted, because it has not the funds which ought to be at its disposal, there is much that it could do to build up the coal-miners’ morale and to ensure that the part that they have played shall be brought to the notice of the community generally. An effort ought to be made to create in the minds of the coal-miners a full appreciation of the important part they are playing in the war effort, and also the real seriousness of our position.

Mr.Calwell. - I am glad to be able to tell the honorable member that the Department of Information is doing that now.

Mr MORGAN:

– I am glad to have that information. Yesterday I received the following interesting letter setting out the coal-miners’ point of view : -

Blair Athol. Queensland

Mr. C. A. Morgan, 23/S/44. Canberra.

Sir.

I have been a reader of parliamentary debates for a. few years now, and have been impressed with the honesty and sincerity of your speeches, and have decided to write this letter, which will give you a new angle on the coal position, especially in this State of Queensland.

To begin with, in Blair Athol we have an open cut, which has been in operation for about eight years. The coal in this field is from sixty to ninety feet in thickness, and it is estimated that there is between two hundred and fifty and three hundred millions of tons of coalin the field, and black coal at that.

At the face of the open cut the height of the coal is from sixty to sixty-three feet, the overburden, from forty-five to eighty feet.

The position of the open cut at present (considering the nation’s desperate need for coal) is a national scandal. We are just scratching along producing just over two hundred tons of coal per day, and any day now we may beunable to produce any at all.

This open cut could and should he producing thousands of tons per day, if we had the proper machinery. Now I am hoping you may be able to help us find out why the Federal Government has not taken any steps to improve the position. Does the Coal Commissioner know?

I was glad to learn from the Minister for Supply and Shipping (Mr. Beasley) that theCoal Commissioner does intend to visit that field soon -

Well, he should, since Mr. Jack, Assistant Coal Commissioner, has visited the field. He came just over a year ago.

The machinery in use here is no good, always breaking down, and should be scrapped.

That is under the control of private enterprise -

The men are working from seventy-two to eighty hours per week-

That would be well up to the hours worked by dairy-farmers- on the overburden, against forty hours on the coal, yet coal reserves are almost nil. We have worked during the Christmas holidays year after year, we have worked overtime for long periods, yet the position gets steadily worse. Give the Open Cut the proper machinery and we will give the country thousands of tons of coal per day, if the country wants it. We have had no local strikes for over twelve years.

That is a record-

And we get fed up with the way some of our papers and members of Parliament are tearing into the miners, instead of finding out the truth of things, and giving us a chance.

The honorable member for New England willperhaps take a trip up there-

We have tried everything we can to get somethingdone, we have had visits from members of Parliament and the Queensland Minister for Mines, yet nothing has been done. This Open Cut produces about sixty thousand tons of coal per year; it could be, and should be, anything up to three or four hundred thousand tons per year.

Why blame the miner, and not the owner? Why blame the miner when even the Government does nothing to help us?

Yours faithfully,

D. Hay,

Secretary, Newcastle Lodge. Blair Athol

That clearly shows that it is the responsibility of the Government to take control of the mines and carry on where the coal-owners cannot handle the situation. This is a matter which definitely warrants governmental intervention and assistance. Honorable members opposite who represent rural constituencies should not complain about a little support being given to the coal-mining industry. Why, the amount of subsidies given to primary industries in the present war amounts to millions of pounds. Figures given by the Treasurer, and published on page 2515 of Hansard of the 30th March, 1944, show that from the 1st July, 1939, direct financial assistance to primary industries amounted to £32,208,989. Considerable additional assistance amounting to millions of pounds has also been given indirectly to those engaged in rural industries. At the same time, the coal-mining industry, which present circumstances prove to be the key industry in our economy, has not been given substantial assistance. Assistance to the coal-mining industry amounts to £129,162, made up of £53,042 by way of subsidies, £36,501 representing a refund to mining companies of an increase of the basic wage, and administrative costs amounting to £39,619. At the same time, funds which have accumulated under the control of the Coal Commissioner exceed that amount. Thus the Government has actually shown a profit so far as its handling of the industry is concerned. We should give all possible assistance to the industry, to enable idle, or undeveloped, mines to be worked at their full capacity, and to mechanize mines where mechanization will enable production to be increased. I do not deny that small minorities of irresponsibles exist among both the coal-miners and the owners. Such people who are “ quislings “ and “ fifth columnists “ are prepared to sell their country to not only our external foe, but also our internal enemies. They must be weeded out of the industry ; and I am glad to hear that the Government proposes to take drastic action in that respect. Indeed, that is all that the federation asks the Government to do. At a meeting of delegates from the northern coalfields yesterday a resolution was passed asking the Government to take control of not only production, but also discipline in the industry. That conference, which was attended by 60 delegates, recommended that the Government should take control immediately of the J. & A. Brown group of ten collieries. The conference also asked the Government to investigate fully the causes of stoppages in the industry. I hope that the Government will comply with that request. Should it do so, some very interesting revelations, indeed, will be made. J also hope that the Government will give sympathetic consideration to the federation’s request that the Government take control of the mines. In this respect, following the example set by President Roosevelt, it should set the Australian flag at the masthead at every pit where it would be a reminder to the miners that they are working for the nation and are not merely being exploited by the mine-owners, who, they believe with every justification, will be prepared to sell them out as they sold out the coalminers after the last war. At the same time, however, an admirable spirit of comradeship exists among those engaged in the industry generally. Whenever accidents occur at mines that spirit is displayed not only by the coal-miners themselves, but also by members of the managerial staffs. For instance, some years ago, when representatives of the owners and the coal-miners were ‘before the Arbitration Court, haggling over a dispute which arose at Mount Kembla colliery as to whether the provision of safety lamps in the mine were necessary, an explosion occurred in the mine and, immediately, all concerned rushed to the mine to render whatever assistance they could in order to rescue the entombed miners. [Extension of time granted.] I ask leave to continue my remarks at a. later stage. Leave granted ; debate adjourned.

page 464

PAPERS

The following papers were presented : -

Censorship - Postal, Telegraphic and Telephonic - Report of Commissioner appointed under the National Security (Inquiries) Regulations.

Hannan, A. J., Crown Solicitor of the State of South Australia - Allegations of official interception of letters and listening-in to telephone conversations - Report of Commissioner appointed under the National Security (Inquiries) Regulations.

House adjourned at 11.6 p.m.

Cite as: Australia, House of Representatives, Debates, 31 August 1944, viewed 22 October 2017, <http://historichansard.net/hofreps/1944/19440831_reps_17_179/>.

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House of Representatives31 August 1944

HOUR OF MEETING

HIGH COMMISSIONER IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

Mr CURTIN:Prime Minister and Minister for Defence · Fremantle · ALP

MOTION OF CENSURE

Mr MENZIES:Leader of the Opposition · Kooyong

Mr Harrison:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr James:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr James:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr JAMES:HUNTER, NEW SOUTH WALES · ALP; LANG LAB from 1931; ALP from 1936

Mr MENZIES:

Mr James:

Mr MENZIES:

Sir FREDERICK Stewart:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr Curtin:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr ABBOTT:NEW ENGLAND, NEW SOUTH WALES

Mr MENZIES:

Dr Evatt:

Mr MENZIES:

Dr Evatt:

Dr Evatt:

Mr MENZIES:

Dr Evatt:

Mr MENZIES:

Dr Evatt:

Mr MENZIES:

Dr Evatt:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr Sheehy:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr Sheehan:

Mr MENZIES:

Mr CURTIN:Prime Minister and Minister for Defence · Fremantle · ALP

Mr Menzies:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Menzies:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Holt:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Holt:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr White:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Holt:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Rankin:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Rankin:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Harrison:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Abbott:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Abbott:

Mr Harrison:

Mr CURTIN:

Sir Frederick Stewart:

Mr Harrison:

Mr CURTIN:

Sir Frederick Stewart:

Mr CURTIN:

Sir Frederick Stewart:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Harrison:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Harrison:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Menzies:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Abbott:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Abbott:

Mr CURTIN:

Mr Abbott:

Mr CURTIN:

House of Representatives
31 August 1944

Mr CURTIN:
Prime Minister and Minister for Defence · Fremantle · ALP

Mr MENZIES:
Leader of the Opposition · Kooyong

Mr JAMES:
HUNTER, NEW SOUTH WALES · ALP; LANG LAB from 1931; ALP from 1936

Mr ABBOTT:
NEW ENGLAND, NEW SOUTH WALES

Mr CURTIN:
Prime Minister and Minister for Defence · Fremantle · ALP

Mr FADDEN:
Leader of the Australian Country party · Darling Downs

Mr BEASLEY:
Minister for Supply and Shipping · West Sydney · ALP

Mr WHITE:
Balaclava

Mr JAMES:
Hunter